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Dublin Core
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Title
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Underground Press
Description
An account of the resource
One of the key characteristics of the various movements of the 1960s-era was the creation of alternative, or "underground," newspapers. These newspapers were not clandestine, though. Quite the opposite. They were important public organizing tools for New Left movements, crucial to disseminating information, educating activists and promoting events. In addition to articles, they also often included comix and other graphics, advertisements and sometimes even personals. This collection contains a range of underground newspapers, some focused on a particular movement, like the women's movement, others offering broader coverage of the many movements taking place at the time.
Physical Object
An inanimate, three-dimensional object or substance. Note that digital representations of, or surrogates for, these objects should use Moving Image, Still Image, Text or one of the other types.
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
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University Review - November 1973
Subject
The topic of the resource
New Left
Description
An account of the resource
University Review was ;published was published by Entelechy Press in New York City. “Entelechy” is a term coined by Aristotle that has come to mean a force propelling one to self-fulfillment. According to the magazine front-matter, "UR. Universal Ragout. Ultimate Repast. Worldly in taste, stellar in ingredients, intergalactic in appeal... Food for thought. Month after month. Whet your appetite." This issue includes a media briefs; an interview with George Lucas; reviews of books on women in prison, Kent State, Timothy Leary and the Rosenbergs; munis reviews of John Coltrane and McCoy Tyner; and the Isley Brothers.
Creator
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Entelechy Press
Source
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Roz Payne
Publisher
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Center for Digital Research in the Humanities, University of Nebraska-Lincoln
Date
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November 1973
Format
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newspaper
books
Entelechy Press
George Lucas
Isley Brothers
John Coltrane
Kent State
McCoy Tyner
Music
New Left
New York
prison
Rosenbergs
Timothy Leary
Underground Press
University Review
UR
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Title
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Photographs
Description
An account of the resource
Roz Payne was a photographer and took hundreds of images of activism during the Sixties. The images in this collection include more than 500 photographs of the protests outside the 1968 Democratic National Convention in Chicago. Other seminal events captured here include the 1967 anti-war demonstration at the Pentagon, the 1968 student take-over at Columbia University, the 1968 Huey Newton and Panther 21 trials, the Yippies and the Venceremos Brigade. Photos include famous Sixties figures, like Abbie Hoffman, Jerry Rubin, Eldridge Cleaver, H. Rap Brown, Bobby Seale, Kathleen Cleaver, Phil Ochs, Norman Mailer, A.J. Muste, Dick Gregory, Jean Genet, William Burroughs, Richard Daley, Mark Rudd, Dhoruba Bin Wahad and others. There are numerous other photos of lesser-known moments and activists, as well.
Still Image
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Original Format
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photographs
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Description
An account of the resource
Roz Payne took these photos of graffiti at the Diggers’ “Free Store,” located on Manhattan’s Lower East Side.
In “It’s Free Because It’s Yours,” author Dominick Cavallo provided a compelling introduction to San Francisco’s legendary Diggers:
The Diggers Take The Stage
IT STARTED IN THE WANING DAYS of October 1966. Leaflets containing provocative, often bizarre messages were placed on building walls and storefronts in San Francisco's Haight-Ashbury neighborhood. They were posted by a group calling themselves "The Diggers." No one in the city had heard of them. Most of the broadsides were distributed in Haight-Ashbury, the birthplace of the hippie counterculture. But hundreds of the mimeographed postings were handed out to pedestrians throughout the city, including the downtown financial district. Some leaflets announced events, like one that offered free food to all comers every afternoon at Golden Gate Park's Panhandle, an elegant strip of lawn and trees on Ashbury Street. (See Leaflet below.)
[Leaflet reproduced:]
Free Food Good Hot Stew
Ripe Tomatoes Fresh Fruit
Bring A Bowl and Spoon to
The Panhandle at Ashbury Street
4 pm 4 pm 4 pm 4 pm
Free Food EVERYDAY Free Food
It's Free Because It's Yours!
the diggers.
[End of leaflet.]
Digger broadsides targeted the mind as well as the stomach. Most of them had an anarchistic edge. "There must not be a Plan. We have always been defeated by our Plan," said one. Another message warned: "Watch out for cats who want to play The System's games, 'cause you can't beat The System at its own games." Still another proclaimed: "Autonomy is Power! I mean you've got to make up your own mind." One leaflet, a distant echo of Thomas Jefferson's observation that the dead were "not even things," exhorted the young to "wipe out the old—simply wipe it out." A message with the title "Money Is An Unnecessary Evil" offered amnesty to those who had it. "As part of the city's campaign to stem the causes of violence the San Francisco Diggers announce a 30 day period beginning now during which all responsible citizens are asked to turn in their money. No questions will be asked."
Some Digger bulletins were subtle and insightful, others crude and scatological. They blended the machismo that pervaded the counterculture with the intelligence, street savvy and wicked humor of their authors. Hundreds of pedestrians throughout the city were handed this epistle about the threat long hair on young males posed to "straight" Americans:
Are the mothers of America avatars of Delilah? Those preferring clippers to tresses have reacted with the sort of righteous indignation one could expect if their own balls had been threatened. The shorn men are jealous because they think you're getting laid more. They're right, but they must also realize it's your whole way of being and not just the hair or else they'd be home nights pulling at their hair instead of their dicks. Yeah, it's jealousy baby. Don't get bugged—just be beautiful and long may it wave!
In response to a suggestion by Haight-Ashbury merchants that neighborhood residents invite policemen to dinner as a way of easing tensions between hippies and city authorities, the Diggers peppered the district with this poem:
Take a cop to dinner.
Racketeers take cops to dinner with payoffs.
Pimps cake cops to dinner with free tricks.
Dealers take cops to dinner with free highs.
Unions and Corporations take cops to dinner with post-retirement jobs.
Schools and Professional Clubs take cops to dinner with free tickets to athletic events and social affairs.
The Catholic Church takes cops to dinner by exempting them from religious duties.
The Justice Department takes cops to dinner with laws giving them the right to do almost anything.
The Defense Department takes cops to dinner by releasing them from military obligation.
Establishment newspapers take cops to dinner by propagating the image of the friendly, uncorrupt, neighborhood policeman.
Places of entertainment take cops to dinner with free booze and admission to shows.
Merchants take cops to dinner with discounts and gifts.
Neighborhood Committees and Social Organizations take cops to dinner with free discussions offering discriminating insights into hipsterism, black militancy and the drug culture.
Cops take cops to dinner by granting each other immunity to prosecution for misdemeanors and anything else they can get away with.
Cops take themselves to dinner by inciting riots.
And so, if you own anything or you don't, take a cop to dinner this week and feed his power to judge, persecute and brutalize the streets of your city.
Throughout the fall of 1966 the Diggers engineered street "happenings" in Haight-Ashbury. Many were bizarre, even by the standards of that hippie haven. One of them led to the arrest of five Diggers, and the incident made the front page of the San Francisco Chronicle. Two Diggers brought a huge wooden frame, twelve feet square and painted in bright yellow, to the intersection of Haight and Ashbury Streets. They called it a "Frame of Reference." Dozens of yellow three-inch replicas of the "Frame" were handed to passersby; the small frames were hung on straps so they could be worn around the neck. People were urged by the Diggers to look through the small squares so they could experience the event through their own "frames of reference." Two giant puppets appeared. Each was about eight feet high and manipulated by two men. The puppets, along with the rest of the Diggers, invited scores of pedestrians to participate in a "play" called "Fool on the Street." The Diggers organized people in polygons and had them crisscross the streets in opposite directions. The purpose of the play was to block automobile traffic as a protest against the pollution created by American technology.
It worked. When the police arrived to untangle the knot of pedestrians and stalled cars, a cop inadvertently created a memorable moment in the history of the Haight-Ashbury. "We warn you," he addressed one of the puppets, "that if you don't remove yourselves from the area you'll be arrested for blocking a public thoroughfare." The puppet responded with a question: "Who is the public?" "I couldn't care less; I'll take you in," shot back the officer. "I declare myself public," said a Digger's voice from behind the puppet. "The streets are public—the streets are free. "
In addition to their street happenings, the Diggers opened a "free" store on Page Street called the Free Frame Of Reference. The store stocked clothing, furniture and other goods. All of the items were free. "Customers" could take whatever they wished, in any quantity they desired. Indeed, if a customer wished, he could empty the entire store. The only rule in the store was etched [p. 101] on a sign not far from a box containing cash and labeled "Free Money." It read, "No Stealing."
Within weeks of their first mimeographed broadsides and street "plays," the Diggers became the most celebrated and influential voice within San Francisco's hip community, although few in the city knew their identities. Anonymity was the group's first principal. "Free means not copping credit," read one of their leaflets. The Diggers believed love and commitment should be given without strings attached, including the hope for fame or fortune. Nor did they wish to become media celebrities, thereby risking what they called "co-optation" by the "establishment." Their instant notoriety within San Francisco, which quickly spread to "hip" communities in the rest of the country, made people curious about who the Diggers were. In response to queries about their identities a Digger sent a letter to a local underground newspaper.
"Regarding inquiries concerned with the identity and whereabouts of the Diggers, we are happy to report that the Diggers are not that." The letter was signed "George Metevsky." (It was the misspelled name of George Metesky, the so-called Mad Bomber who terrorized New York City in the fifties, and was a sort of folk hero to those Diggers who came from the New York area.)
Most of the Diggers, in fact, were actors who worked for the San Francisco Mime Troupe. The Mime Troupe was an alternative theater company that presented plays for free in an abandoned church in the Mission District and in the city's parks (a hat was passed through the audience at the end of a show). The Mime Troupe had a varied repertoire, ranging from Shakespeare to Beckett, but specialized in the ribald, class-conscious medium of sixteenth-century commedia dell'arte. Perhaps those members of the Mime Troupe who at one point or another called themselves "Diggers" stumbled upon the name when performing in a play from the seventeenth or eighteenth centuries—the original Diggers were mid-seventeenth-century English agrarian radicals.
Although the Diggers of San Francisco were short lived, lasting barely two years, their impact upon the style and substance of counterculture protest during the second half of the decade was significant. As a historian recently noted, the Diggers were the "high priests of the counterculture." Their iconoclastic broadsides, free services, community events and guerrilla theater street happenings were emulated by cultural radicals later in the decade. As their caper of the Fool on the Street demonstrates, the Diggers believed that consciousness could be jarred and moral "frames of reference" altered by staging theatrical confrontations between symbols of freedom and authority. This had a seminal influence on the media-oriented style of protest created in the late sixties by Jerry Rubin and Abbie Hoffman. When Hoffman began his career of protest in New York City's East Village in the mid sixties he called himself a Digger. This chagrined the original Diggers, who saw Hoffman as little more than a media-obsessed publicity hound. And when Hoffman, Rubin and the satirist Paul Krassner created the far more famous Yippies in 1968 they used the Diggers as their model. More important, the Diggers distilled the chaotic urges of the counterculture during its early days in San Francisco. They brought a sort of intellectual cohesion to the embryonic hippie impulses to seek new identities, new experiences and new lives.
But the significance of the Diggers goes beyond their impact on the counterculture, within or beyond the Haight-Ashbury. Nor does it rest on their criticisms of American society. Their views more or less mirrored those of other sixties rebels, even though the Diggers disparaged most forms of political and cultural radicalism. They called the New Left self-righteous and "puritanical," and dismissed Timothy Leary's psychedelic drug culture as naive and devoid of moral direction.
The Diggers are important for understanding the counterculture because of the method they used to protest American limitations on American freedom: theater and acting. The Diggers used theatrical formats, especially the self-conscious acts of performance and improvisation, as metaphors for personal freedom and as practical means of enacting that freedom.
Diggers referred to their street plays as "life-acts." These included the free stores, the daily free food service (where the "customers" had to pass through the large "frame of reference" to get the food), and the various street happenings they organized. Digger life-acts were plays in which the most radical implications of American liberty were "performed."
Digger radicalism was based on an intuition. They never made it explicit, but it pervaded their ideas and behavior. American freedom, particularly the right of the individual to alter and refashion his identity, was an improvisation, like the Digger style of theater. The self-reliant individualism at the heart of the American version of personal freedom was based on the unspoken assumption that the individual's identity was malleable. It could be improvised, altered at will. In theatrical terms, it was an "act." American individualism, indeed the very idea of being American, was an improvised act of self-creation. "Acting" American and making yourself up as you went along were essentially the same things. History and scripts were irrelevant to both. Creating an identity in America was a process through which the individual presented (that is, staged) an invented self (or role) to his public (the audience). And the play could be endlessly restaged.
From the Diggers point of view, the idea that the individual could be self-made, become the product-in-process of his autonomous right to be what he wished, implied a performance. And if he was a conscious life-actor, he became the independent director of his own play. He could change scripts, roles and identities as he saw fit.
This had radical implications. Whether expressed in secular or religious terms, the American idea that one could be "born again" or become self-made presumed the malleability and mutability of individual identity. This was implicit in one of the grand American myths: personal identity was a willed invention rather than a fixed condition determined by an individual's family or personal history. Indeed, the Diggers viewed American culture as a stage upon which neither the "props" nor the scripts were permanent. An American life could be a consciously performed series of improvised roles. The only permanent lines in the script of American culture were the rights of individuals to create themselves and the continent's expansive stage upon which that freedom was enacted. For the Diggers, history, whether personal or collective, implied old roles for old plays. If an American wished to be free of the past, he simply needed to "act" that way.
The Diggers represented the values and dynamics of cultural radicalism in their purest, most articulate and explicit forms. They provided a (more or less) coherent rationale for the tendencies of counterculture youth to explore unchartered regions of the mind and to experiment with new forms of social relationships. Along with the use of hallucinogenic drugs, this included the hippie traits of trying on new costumes or adopting new names as ways of experimenting with novel identities. It meant "acting out" in front of others—"doing your own thing," as they said in the sixties—through self-revealing, public displays of normally private desires and fantasies. The star of Digger theater was the individual's pristine freedom and autonomy, unleashed from social controls. The antagonist of their life-acts, frequently portrayed with brutally stark condescension, was the cult of security, and the staid, settled personal life it incarnated.
This chapter describes the Diggers' performance of American freedom and their role in defining the cultural radicalism that was forged in San Francisco during the mid sixties, before it spread to the rest of the country. It also shows how their performance was linked to, and in one dramatic instance inadvertently reenacted, pre-twentieth-century literary myths about the wilderness origins of American identity, freedom and "manhood."
The Diggers were an act that combined the antics of Marx Brothers and Dead End Kids films of the thirties and forties with the tactics of shock and surprise employed by New York's "Mad Bomber" in the fifties. Theirs was a performance by determined, articulate, radical actors whose purpose was to kick away the modern props of an undemocratic, bureaucratic, materialistic culture. They offered a primitive alternative, informed by mythic visions of pristine American freedom, to the sterile roles and the repetitive, uninspiring scripts of a settled, hierarchical twentieth-century society.
The Diggers designed many of the counterculture's props. But they did not build the stage. The hunger for enhanced personal freedom was percolating among young people in the San Francisco Bay Area before the Diggers took the stage in the fall of 1966. It began in the early sixties, with student political activism at Berkeley and experiments with hallucinogenic drugs by the novelist Ken Kesey and his band of proto-hippies called the Merry Pranksters. An outline of these events, and why San Francisco provided a congenial environment for their development, is the necessary setting for describing the history of the Diggers.
___________
The Diggers also set up a Free Store on the Lower East Side of Manhattan. An October 14, 1967, article in The New Yorker, described the New York Free Store:
[Ed. note: This article mentions "Richie" as one of those in the New York Free Store. This is undoubtedly the same Motorcycle Richie who plays an important role in the John Simon novel about the Diggers, Sign of the Fool.]
THE Diggers' Free Store is a small ground-floor shop at 264 East Tenth Street, between First Avenue and Avenue A, and its name is a simple description, not an advertising come-on. Diggers are hippies who help other hippies, so everything in the Free Store is given away. During its regular business hours (from one in the afternoon until nine at night, Mondays through Saturdays), the shop is crowded with Negro and Puerto Rican children, old women speaking Middle European dialects, barefoot runaways with glazed eyes, stumbling winos, and gaily ornamented hippie couples, all picking through boxes full of used shoes or fingering racks of soiled clothing or burrowing under piles of miscellaneous junk spread out on rough wooden tables, which line the walls. In one window, a bright-colored hand-lettered sign reads, "DON'T WASTE. GIVE TO THE DIGGERS." The store has been open two weeks, and contributions have included a pair of crutches, a litter of gray-and-white kittens, a broken motorcycle, and five television sets in working order. Some of the contributors are relatively well-off uptown or West Village types; others are local housewives, hippies, and Negro and Puerto Rican children. The store virtually runs itself, but the people who started it—four self-proclaimed Diggers who identify themselves merely as Clyde, Susan, Diego, and Richie—maintain an office of sorts in an incredibly cluttered room behind the shop proper. There they worry about such relatively long-range problems as how to raise enough money to pay the rent (a hundred and seventy-five dollars a month), meet the gas, electric, and telephone bills, and buy vegetables for the famous Digger stew, which is made daily in a huge white-enameled pot in a kitchen behind the office, and is ladled out—free, of course—to anyone who wants it every afternoon around five o'clock in Tompkins Square Park. When Clyde, Susan, Diego, and Richie are asked to explain why they are performing these services for the lower East Side community, each repeats the enigmatic Digger motto: "Diggers do."
Clyde is eighteen years old. He comes from Gadsden, Alabama, and has been more or less on the road since his thirteenth birthday. He stands six feet three, weighs two hundred pounds, has medium-length red hair, and is clean-shaven. His body is decorated with forty-two tattoos, mostly self-applied. He claims that he once ran a tattoo parlor in New Orleans, and made as much as five hundred dollars a week in it during Mardi Gras. Why did he give it up? "Why does anyone do anything?" he says. He met Richie out in San Francisco, where they were both "sort of connected with the Hell's Angels." He was forced to sell his motorcycle in Las Vegas when the cops arrested him as a "disorderly person." "My hair was longer then," he explains. He is one of eleven children; his father is a house painter. He drops in on his family whenever he happens to pass through Atlanta, where they now live. He speaks in a pleasant, faded drawl, and smiles easily. He wears black chino pants, black boots, and an Army shirt with a pfc.'s stripe on the sleeve. He is not worried about the draft, because of his police record. "And, if nothing else, this'll do it," he says, displaying a black swastika tattooed on the inside of his right forearm. "Lots of people don't know the war is over," he adds. "Three people have attacked me because of this. It blows minds. A good bike rider blows minds. If you can't blow minds, you can't be ‘righteous.’" When customers at the Free Store become obstreperous, he throws them out. "We get a lot of winos," he says. "You know how winos are. They see a crowd and they want to give their speech: ‘I was deprived of this and that, and that is why I'm what I am.'" At the end of the day, he helps clean up the store. "You won't believe what a mess this is every evening," he told us. He is getting married next month to a girl named Hilda Hoffman. "It's a bike wedding," he says. "Everyone will come on bikes and take off afterward for a party."
Susan is twenty-one years old. She comes from Detroit, where her father is a tool-and-die maker. She ran away from home at eighteen and went to Chicago, where site lived with a group of hippies. "I scrounged food for ten people a day," she said. Like Clyde, she met Richie in San Francisco, where she lived "in a real barn." Richie told her, "I'm taking you away," but she said no, so he headed for New York on his motorcycle but got locked up in Las Vegas for twenty-one days and had to come back to San Francisco. The next time, she left with him. They have been "going steady" for six months, and are planning to be married in a double ceremony with Clyde and Hilda. She has blue eyes, brown hair, and a pale skin, and wears a Mexican riding blouse of white muslin unbuttoned down the front to reveal a purple T-shirt with a silk-screened portrait of "the Zig-Zag man," done by a West Coast poster artist. On her head she wears a "Rigoletto" hat of dark-red velvet, with dyed ostrich plumes, which she found in a carton of contributions from a theatrical-costume shop. A handsome Weimaraner hound spends most of his time sitting at her feet. "That's Cigar. He's two years old and has genuine Digger fleas," she told us. On most afternoons, she ladles out tile Digger stew in Tompkins Square Park. She says that the most important thing in life is to remember that "you’re free to do whatever you want to do."
Diego is forty-four years old. He is from Indianapolis, and has deep-reddish-brown hair and a bushy beard. He knew Clyde in New Orleans ("I know people everywhere"), and he came to New York in June. He cooks the Digger stew, in a thirty-two-quart pot on a gas range in the Free Store’s kitchen. "I can do just about anything in a kitchen that needs to be done," he says. "I've been all around the country, and the best place to get a job when you're hungry is in a restaurant." The meat for his stew—beef trimmings or ham hocks or "perfectly good" wieners or sausages with ripped casings–is donated by a local wholesale butcher. "There's enough good food wasted around town in a day to feed half the country," he told us. Besides meat, he throws into the pot whatever fresh vegetables are in season—carrots, potatoes, celery, lettuce, tomatoes, onions, garlic—and "lots of spices." Every morning, the Diggers pick up a huge bag of day-old rolls at Rapoport's Restaurant, on Second Avenue. The Diggers feed as many as fifty people each weekday and up to a hundred a day on weekends. "We haven't turned anyone away yet, but there's never any left over, either," Diego said. "We’re going to have to go to two pots soon."
Richie is twenty-three years old. His father died when he was an infant. His mother is a licensed real-estate broker on Long Island—"a real bourgeois; she owns a Caddy." He hasn't seen her in years. "I have two pairs of pants to my name," he says proudly. He wears a blue woolen cap; his hair, which is dark, falls almost to his shoulders. He spent two years in a New York State reform school and has been on the road since he was eighteen. He ran into the Diggers in San Francisco, where he kept his motorcycle in a Digger garage. Before long, he was using his bike to deliver Digger stew to Golden Gate Park. He also got a look at four Free Stores that the Diggers have been operating in San .Francisco, and he liked what he saw. "People ask, 'Why a free store?'" he told us. "We tell them it's free because it's yours. Take what you need. If you take more than you need, you'll know it. Every day they tear this place apart, and every night we clean it up." He smiled one of his rare smiles. "The Sanitation Department won’t remove our trash, because they say we’re a commercial establishment." Richie doesn't believe in city administrations in general, or in cops, but he has only praise for Deputy Inspector Joseph Fink, the commander of the Ninth Precinct, whose men patrol the lower East Side. "All the hippies dig Fink." Richie said to us. "If anyone has to be a cop—if that's his thing—then he ought to be like Fink." Richie sums up his own philosophy in a single sentence: "Every human being's got a right to do his thing as long as it doesn't hurt anybody else." But he adds, "I don't believe in throwing flowers if someone's trying to take what's yours away from you. The Diggers say, 'I'm not going to pay for your trip.'" He admits that he likes to "start things up" and then move on. "I fluctuate between being a Digger and an outlaw motorcycle rider," he says. Looking into the distant future, he says that he may someday "buy some land in Marin County, in California, when I can save up a couple thousand dollars—you know, settle down and become a real bourgeois."
Title
A name given to the resource
Graffiti from The Diggers' "Free Store" in New York
(2 images)
Subject
The topic of the resource
counterculture
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Roz Payne
Source
A related resource from which the described resource is derived
Roz Payne
Publisher
An entity responsible for making the resource available
Center for Digital Research in the Humanities, University of Nebraska-Lincoln
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1969
Abbie Hoffman
anarchism
counterculture
Dead End Kids
Diggers
Dominick Cavallo
Emmett Grogan
Frame of Reference
Free Store
George Metesky
Golden Gate Park
Haight-Ashbury
happening
hippies
Jerry Rubin
Ken Kesey
life-acts
Lower East Side
Marx Brothers
Merry Pranksters
New Left
New York
New Yorker
Paul Krassner
San Francisco
San Francisco Mime Troupe
theater
Timothy Leary
Yippies
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e487f5ad71049686458975b420d9d52b
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
Buttons
Description
An account of the resource
Buttons were one of the most popular and pervasive forms of political messaging during the 1960s, combining brief messaging and memorable graphic designs. Buttons were inexpensive to produce on a mass basis and easy to distribute. They afforded any individual an opportunity to voice their opinions and, potentially, reach a broad audience. As Hunter Oatman-Stanford has written, “From discreet lapel pins to oversized buttons on purses or backpacks, pinbacks invite conversation by declaring potentially controversial viewpoints to complete strangers.” In this way, buttons were (and still are) a particularly democratic form of political propaganda.
As button collector, John Aisthorpe, has put it, buttons offer “a little snapshot of history.” During the 1960s, buttons were vital to the visual identity of a range of movements. “There were many protest groups who put their views on buttons,” Aisthorpe recalls, “from the early ’60s with the Free Speech Movement (FSM) to the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC), Students for a Democratic Society (SDS) and, later, the Veterans for Peace, the Fifth Avenue Vietnam Peace Parade Committee, and the Yippies.” The political impact of buttons in the 1960s is hard to gauge, though their popularity suggests some modicum of significance. And, as Aisthorpe has asserted, “It’s hard to say what impact they had, but the text of buttons worn at protests were often used as antiwar chants, like ‘Hell no, we won’t go!’… They must have had some effect.” The buttons of the 1960s have remained some of the most enduring relics from this important past.
This collection includes buttons from a wide array of movements from the Sixties, including the student movement, civil rights and Black Power movements, women's liberation, environmentalism, the anti-nuclear movement, gay liberation, electoral politics, the Chicano movement, the labor movement and the counterculture, with a strong emphasis on the anti-war movement. In addition, a few buttons date from Roz Payne’s activist efforts in the 1970s and 1980s, including the early political campaigns of Vermont politician, Bernie Sanders.
Physical Object
An inanimate, three-dimensional object or substance. Note that digital representations of, or surrogates for, these objects should use Moving Image, Still Image, Text or one of the other types.
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
Stop the Trial
Subject
The topic of the resource
Anti-Vietnam War Movement
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
unknown
Source
A related resource from which the described resource is derived
Roz Payne
Publisher
An entity responsible for making the resource available
Center for Digital Research in the Humanities, University of Nebraska-Lincoln
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
ca. 1969
Language
A language of the resource
button
Description
An account of the resource
This button refers to the trial of the Chicago 8. Following the turbulent demonstrations and police repression outside the 1968 Democratic National Convention in Chicago, eight antiwar activists – David Dellinger of the National Mobilization Committee (NMC); Rennie Davis and Tom Hayden of the Students for a Democratic Society (SDS); Abbie Hoffman and Jerry Rubin, founders of the Youth International Party (“Yippies”); Bobby Seale of the Black Panther Party; and two less well-known activists, Lee Weiner and John Froines – were indicted by a grand jury indicted on March 20, 1969, and put on trial for conspiracy to cross state lines to cause a riot, teach the making of an incendiary device and commit acts to impede law enforcement officers in their lawful duties. Sixteen alleged co-conspirators - Wolfe B. Lowenthal, Stewart E. Albert, Sidney M. Peck, Kathy Boudin, Corina F. Fales, Benjamin Radford, Thomas W. Neumann, Craig Shimabukuro, Bo Taylor, David A. Baker, Richard Bosciano, Terry Gross, Donna Gripe, Benjamin Ortiz, Joseph Toornabene, and Richard Palmer - avoided prosecution.
The high-profile trial, which began on September 24, 1969, and lasted five months, quickly turned into a circus. The defendants, known initially as the Chicago 8, were represented by radical attorneys, William Kunstler and Leonard Weinglass of the Center for Constitutional Rights. The judge was Julius Hoffman, and the prosecutors were Richard Schultz and Tom Foran. Bobby Seale repeatedly disrupted the trial because he could not have the lawyer of his choice, calling Judge Hoffman “racist” and a “fascist pig.” In response, Hoffman, who displayed a disdain for the defendants and the anti-war movement, more generally, bound, gagged and chained Seale to his chair in front of the jury for several days. Kunstler lambasted Judge Hoffman’s actions, saying, "This is no longer a court of order, Your Honor, this is a medieval torture chamber." Hoffman ultimately severed Seale’s case from the other seven defendants for a later trial, which never took place. He also sentenced Seale to four years imprisonment for contempt of court, one of the harshest punishments for that offense in U.S. history to that time. A U.S. Court of Appeals quickly overturned the ruling.
The trial of the seven remaining defendants, now known as the Chicago 7, became a cause celebre among New Left activists. The prosecution relied primarily on the testimony of undercover police officers and informants, who told the jury that they had heard various defendants state that they were planning to confront police during the convention and fight back against police aggression. Some claimed to have heard Froines and Weiner speak openly about making stink bombs and other incendiary devices.
According to a history of the case written for the Federal Judicial Center by historian, Bruce Ragsdale, “The defendants and their attorneys went well beyond the rebuttal of the criminal charges and sought to portray the proceedings as a political trial rather than a criminal prosecution. In their legal arguments, in their courtroom behavior, and in their numerous public appearances, they challenged the legitimacy of the court and the judge as well as the substance of the indictment. The trial became for the defense an opportunity to portray the dissent movement that had converged on Chicago for the Democratic Convention.” Defense attorneys called more than 100 witnesses to the stand, including a number of anti-war and countercultural celebrities, like Phil Ochs, Judy Collins, Dick Gregory, William Styron, Arlo Guthrie, Country Joe McDonald, Norman Mailer, Allen Ginsberg, Timothy Leary and Rev. Jesse Jackson. SDS leader, Tom Hayden, attempted to observe courtroom decorum and offer reasonable arguments to refute the prosecutions claims, but Yippie leaders, Abbie Hoffman and Jerry Rubin, exploited the trial for political theater, consistently disrupting the proceedings, dressing in costumes, eating jelly beans, blowing kisses at jurors, cracking jokes and insulting the judge. As civil rights attorney, Ron Kuby, recalled at William Kunstler’s 1995 funeral, “While defending the Chicago Seven, [Kunstler] put the war in Vietnam on trial—asking Judy Collins to sing "Where Have All The Flowers Gone" from the witness stand, placing a Viet Cong flag on the defense table, and wearing a black armband to commemorate the war dead.”
Much of the trial turned on procedural arguments that usually went against the defense counsel. Again, Ragsdale explains, “Even before the trial started, Judge Hoffman granted only thirty days for pretrial motions rather than the six months requested by the defense. The judge denied the defense attorneys’ access to government evidence obtained without a warrant and barred the defense from submitting the Lake Villa document in which Hayden and Davis set out their non- violent strategy. Judge Hoffman prohibited former Attorney General Ramsey Clark from testifying about his opposition to prosecution of demonstrators, and Hoffman sharply limited the defense lawyers’ ability to question Mayor Daley. Frequently the trial was interrupted by arguments over seemingly petty questions: Could the defendants distribute birthday cake in the courtroom? Could the defendants use the public restrooms, or should they be limited to the facilities in the holding rooms? Could the musician witnesses sing the songs they performed at demonstrations, or was the judge correct in insisting that they recite lyrics?”
At the end of the chaotic trial, the jury, made up of eleven whites and two African Americans, acquitted all seven defendants of conspiracy, but found Hoffman, Rubin, Dellinger, Davis and Hayden guilty of crossing state lines with intent to incite a riot. Froines and Weiner were acquitted of all charges. Judge Hoffman sentenced the remaining five defendants to the maximum penalty, five years in prison and a $5000 fine All seven defendants were also sentenced to prison time for contempt of court, including their attorney, William Kunstler. In a separate trial, a jury acquitted seven of the eight indicted policemen. The case against the eighth was dropped.
The contempt convictions were ultimately overturned on an appeal in 1972 and in a separate appeal all of the criminal convictions except for Bobby Seale’s were overturned. The appellate court cited the judge’s “deprecatory and often antagonistic attitude toward the defense’ as cause for the reversal. They censured Judge Hoffman and the government attorneys for their open hostility toward the defendants and their failure to fulfill “the standards of our system of justice.”
The legacy of the Chicago 8 trials was less legal than cultural. No clear legal precedents emerged from the cases, particularly with regard to the Anti-Riot Act of 1968, which was the main legal foundation for the prosecutions. Instead, the case has lived on as a cultural touchstone of a turbulent period in American history, adapted numerous times on the stage, in documentary form and as feature films.
Abbie Hoffman
Allen Ginsberg
Anti-Riot Act of 1968
Anti-War
Arlo Guthrie
Benjamin Ortiz
Benjamin Radford
Black Panther Party
Bo Taylor
Bobby Seale
Bruce Ragsdale
Center for Constitutional Rights
Chicago 7
Chicago 8
Corina F. Fales
Country Joe McDonald
Craig Shimabukuro
David A. Baker
David Dellinger
Dick Gregory
Donna Gripe
Federal Judicial Center
informant
Jerry Rubin
Jesse Jackson
John Froines
Joseph Toornabene
Judy Collins
Julius Hoffman
Kathy Boudin
Lee Weiner
Legal Justice
Leonard Weinglass
National Mobilization Committee to End the War
New Left
Norman Mailer
Phil Ochs
police repression
Ramsey Clark
Rennie Davis
Richard Bosciano
Richard Palmer
Richard Schultz
SDS
Sidney M. Peck
Stewart E. Albert
Students for a Democratic Society
Terry Gross
Thomas W. Neumann
Timothy Leary
Tom Foran
Tom Hayden
Vietcong
Vietnam War
Where Have All The Flowers Gone?
William Kunstler
William Styron
Wolfe B. Lowenthal
Yippies
Youth International Party
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Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
Underground Press
Description
An account of the resource
One of the key characteristics of the various movements of the 1960s-era was the creation of alternative, or "underground," newspapers. These newspapers were not clandestine, though. Quite the opposite. They were important public organizing tools for New Left movements, crucial to disseminating information, educating activists and promoting events. In addition to articles, they also often included comix and other graphics, advertisements and sometimes even personals. This collection contains a range of underground newspapers, some focused on a particular movement, like the women's movement, others offering broader coverage of the many movements taking place at the time.
Text
A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text.
Original Format
The type of object, such as painting, sculpture, paper, photo, and additional data
newspaper
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
Liberated Guardian, November 25, 1970
Subject
The topic of the resource
New Left
Description
An account of the resource
The National Guardian was a radical, left newsweekly published out of New York City from 1948-1992. The paper was established by James Aronson, Cedric Belfrage, who were committed activists for the Progressive Party and Henry Wallace presidential campaign, as well as John McManus and Josiah Gitt, both liberal newspaper men, though Gitt quickly dropped out. In addition to the Progressive Party, the newspaper also held ties with American communists and the labor movement. The Cold War took a toll on the newspaper, with the decline of the Progressive Party and the rise of McCarthyism in the U.S. During the post-WWII era, the newspaper focused coverage on opposition to the Cold War and militarism, support for emerging anti-colonial struggles around the world, defense of those targeted by McCarthyism, advocacy for the black freedom movement. The newspaper continued to hold a cozy relationship with the Communist Party U.S.A., though it did break with the group over some issues, particularly support for independent political action beyond party control. The 1960s-era brought a new period of political rancor within the editorial ranks of the newspaper. In the end, the periodical changed leadership and renamed itself The Guardian. The Guardian took an increasingly Maoist line, supporting armed struggles against colonialism. During this period, the newspaper attempted to forge ties with SDS and SNCC, writing that "The duty of a radical newspaper is to build a radical movement.” "We are movement people acting as journalists," the Guardian′s staff now proudly declared. The Liberated Guardian formed out of a workers strike at The Guardian newspaper in New York City in the Spring of 1970. The Liberated Guardian was notable for it strong stand in favor of armed struggle. An ideological and political split within the ranks of the Liberated Guardian staff led to the newspaper’s demise in late-1973. The original Guardian pressed on and took on a more hard-line Marxist-Leninist ideology in the late-1970s, eroding that newspaper’s reputation for investigative journalism. Readership and support for The Guardian declined through the 1980s and the paper ceased publication in 1992.
In this issue, articles focus on Malcolm X’s assassination; Black Panther Party; Timothy Leary and armed struggle; the privatization of imperial intervention; local short reports on revolutionary struggle in the U.S.; liberation struggle in Uruguay; draft counseling; the Seattle Liberation Front; the War Measures Act in Canada; Quebec independence movement; police repression in Canada; Palestinian liberation; lessons from the Jordan wars; the CIA in Israel; review of the film Finally Got the News, on the League of Revolutionary Black Workers; labor strike at Fiat in Italy; black workers in the auto industry; corporations that make antipersonnel munitions; report on peace talks in Paris; tenants rights; local briefs; indigenous people in Columbia and armed struggle; letters to the editor.
Source
A related resource from which the described resource is derived
Roz Payne
Publisher
An entity responsible for making the resource available
Center for Digital Research in the Humanities, University of Nebraska-Lincoln
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
November 25, 1970
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Liberated Guardian Worker's Collective
Type
The nature or genre of the resource
underground newspaper
anti-imperialism
Anti-War
armed struggle
assassination
auto industry
Black Panther Party
Black Power
black workers
Canada
Cedric Belfrage
CIA
Columbia
corporatization
draft counseling
DRUM
Fiat
film
Finally Got the News
France
Guardian
Henry Wallace
imperialism
Israel
Italy
James Aronson
John McManus
Jordan
Josiah Gitt
labor movement
League of Revolutionary Black Workers
Liberated Guardian
Malcolm X
Marxist-Leninism
militarism
New Left
New York
Palestine
Panther 21
Paris
Paris Peace Accords
police repression
Progressive Party
Quebec nationalism
revolution
Rosenbergs
Seattle Liberation Front
tenant's rights
the War Measures Act
Timothy Leary
Uruguay
Vietnam War
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84ece35e19e93f586a2ad4005a9ccac7
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
Posters and Graphic Design
Description
An account of the resource
The movements of the Sixties produced a rich history of political posters and other graphic arts. These posters were hung in political offices, bookstores, bedrooms and in public. The posters collected here include designs related to the anti-war movement, Black Power, women’s liberation, the Yippies, counterculture, the Democratic National Convention in Chicago, anti-imperialism, the Cuban Revolution, environmentalism, Bernie Sanders’ elections for Burlington mayor, anti-communism, the labor movement, corporate inequality, the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, and other topics. Of particular note are a series of posters created by the OSPAAAL, the Organisation in Solidarity with the People of Africa, Asia and Latin America, the main publisher of international solidarity posters in Cuba.
Source
A related resource from which the described resource is derived
Roz Payne
Physical Object
An inanimate, three-dimensional object or substance. Note that digital representations of, or surrogates for, these objects should use Moving Image, Still Image, Text or one of the other types.
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
Ask the Free Wild Animals
Subject
The topic of the resource
Counterculture
Description
An account of the resource
This poster features references to the 1960s-era counterculture, like LSD and Timothy Leary and a "Weatherfreak."
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
unknown
Source
A related resource from which the described resource is derived
Roz Payne
Publisher
An entity responsible for making the resource available
Center for Digital Research in the Humanities, University of Nebraska-Lincoln
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
ca. early-1970s
Format
The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource
poster
counterculture
drugs
LSD
Timothy Leary
Weather Underground