Roz Payne Sleeping in Madison Bus Station (1 image)
Underground Press
Bev Grant took this photo of Roz Payne ion a bus station in Madison, Wisconsin, at the time of a gathering of the various Newsreel collectives active at the time.
Bev Grant
Bev Grant
Center for Digital Research in the Humanities, University of Nebraska-Lincoln
ca. late-1960s
Roz Payne and Bev Grant at Young Lords Headquarters (1 image)
Puerto Rican Nationalism
Roz Payne and Bev Grant were a part of the "Third World Cadre" in Newsreel, charged with developing relationships with the Black and Latino struggles that were developing at the time. This photo was taken in the Spring of 1968 with Bev's camera at the Young Lords office in New York, likely by Juan Julian Caicedo, Bev's boyfriend at the time.
The photo was likely taken by Juan Julian Caicedo
Bev Grant
Center for Digital Research in the Humanities, University of Nebraska-Lincoln
spring 1968
Black Judgement
Racial Justice
Published originally in 1968, this early book of poetry by Nikki Giovanni explored and appreciated black militancy. The volume was published by Broadside Press in Detroit, Michigan. This copy, which is the seventh printing of the first edition, came out in 1972 and was signed by Giovanni to Roz Payne in 1986.
Nikki Giovanni
Roz Payne
Center for Digital Research in the Humanities, University of Nebraska-Lincoln
1968, 1972
small press publication
Photos of Roz Payne
(4 images)
Miscellaneous photos of Roz Payne, including one with Danny Schecter.
unknown
Roz Payne
Center for Digital Research in the Humanities, University of Nebraska-Lincoln
ca. late-1960s and early-1970s
Roz Payne Holding Sign at Hiroshima Day and Free Capt. Levy Demonstration
(1 image)
Anti-Vietnam War Movement
An image of Roz Payne holding a sign that says, "Join the New Action Army," in defense of Captain Howard B. Levy. In 1967, Levy faced a court-martial after declining to provide medical training for Green Berets heading to the war zone in Vietnam, arguing that such a practice was against medical and his personal ethics. The trial received national attention and raised questions about the responsibility of military doctors to teach soldiers medicine, as well as an individual’s right to refuse to participate in war crimes. Levy served two years in prison for his actions and his case ultimately reached the Supreme Court.
Roz Payne
Roz Payne
Center for Digital Research in the Humanities, University of Nebraska-Lincoln
August 6, 1967
Rankin Brigade Peace March in Washington, D.C. (29 images)
Anti-Vietnam War Movement
Jeannette Rankin was the first woman elected to a federal office in the United States when she won a seat in the House of Representatives from Montana in 1916. Rankin was a women’s rights activist and a pacifist who opposed U.S. military interventionism. Prior to her election to Congress, Rankin worked on women’s suffrage while a student at the University of Washington. Washington State granted women the right to vote in 1910. During the mid-1910s, Rankin worked as a lobbyist for the National American Woman Suffrage Association (NAWSA) and played a role in helping women gain the right to vote in Montana in 1914. Her 1916 election to Congress came as the nation debated U.S. involvement in the First World War, which she opposed. “I may be the first woman member of Congress,” she famously said upon her election in 1916, “but I won’t be the last." In the House, Rankin played a key role in the national women’s suffrage movement and the ultimate passage and ratification of the 19th Amendment. After gerrymandering in Montana pushed her out of Congress in 1919, Rankin moved to Georgia in the 1920s and 1930s where she continued to speak nationally on peace and in favor of child labor laws, as well as the Sheppard-Towner Act, a social welfare program that benefited women and children.
Rankin was elected to Congress from Montana a second time in 1940, again largely in opposition to U.S. intervention in the Second World War. Most notably, on December 8, 1941, the day after the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor, Rankin was the only House member to vote against the declaration of war on Japan, a vote that drew hisses from her all-male colleagues. "As a woman I can't go to war," she explained, "and I refuse to send anyone else.” Rankin abstained from voting on a declaration of war against Germany and Italy two days later. The positions effectively ended her congressional career. Asked years later if she regretted her actions, she replied, "Never. If you're against war, you're against war regardless of what happens. It's a wrong method of trying to settle a dispute.”
In the post-war period, Rankin traveled extensively, including to India several times, where she studied Gandhi’s philosophy of nonviolence. Largely ignored by her own generation, a rising tide of younger anti-war and women’s liberation activists during the 1960s found new inspiration in Rankin’s life and activism. In January of 1968, the Jeannette Rankin Brigade, a coalition of various women’s liberation and peace groups, organized the Jeannette Rankin Peace Parade, an anti-war march from Union Station to the U.S. Capitol in Washington, D.C. The group had formed the previous year when Rankin told a peace gathering in Atlanta on the same day that the U.S. death toll in Vietnam hit 10,000, “If we had 10,000 women who were willing to make the sacrifices that these boys had given their lives for – that we could stop the war.” The demonstration ran into opposition from Capitol Police, who invoked an 1882 law barring protests on Capitol grounds. It was the first time the law had ever been enforced. The demonstrators filed a legal grievance, but court action did not come by the day of the event. As a result, organizers decided not to go to the Capitol, which would be a violation of the law and might undermine their appeals to moderate women, wives and mothers. An estimated 5,000 women participated in the protest at Union Station, including folk singer, Judy Collins, Vel Phillips, Coretta Scott King and Dagmar Wilson, who gave speeches later at the nearby Omni Shoreham Hotel. Demonstrators held a sign stating, “End the War in Vietnam and the Social Crisis at Home.” As a former member of Congress, Rankin was allowed on the floor of the House, where she presented House Speaker, John McCormack, with a peace petition that demand Congress to withdraw troops from Vietnam, make reparations to the Vietnamese, and “refuse the insatiable demands of the military industrial complex.” She also met and spoke with Senate Leader, Mike Mansfield, who was also from Montana.
Some more militant women’s liberation advocates were displeased with the emphasis on respectability politics, mourning wives and mothers. Indeed, a Washington Post article about the protest afterward emphasized that it was “peaceful and ladylike.” In response to this emphasis, several hundred members of the Brigade, dressed in “miniskirts and high boots,” attempted to commandeer the microphone at the Omni and complained that King and Wilson had been invited to participate merely to appeal to “church women” in the demonstration. The splinter group then staged a funeral march at Arlington National Cemetery, where they paraded a dummy in “feminine getup” and “blonde curls,” to a funeral dirge “lamenting woman’s traditional role which encourages men to develop aggression and militarism to prove their masculinity.” A flyer the faction made and passed out to Rankin Brigade members stated:
“Don’t Bring Flowers...Do be prepared to sacrifice your traditional female roles. You have refused to hanky-wave boys off to war with admonitions to save the American Mom and Apple Pie. You have resisted your roles of supportive girl friends and tearful widows, receivers of regretful telegrams and worthless medals of honor. And now you must resist approaching Congress playing these same roles that are synonymous with powerlessness. We must not come as passive suppliants begging for favors, for power cooperates only with power. We must learn to fight the warmongers on their own terms, though they believe us capable only of rolling bandages. Until we have united into a force to be reckoned with, we will be patronized and ridiculed into total political ineffectiveness. So if you are really sincere about ending this war, join us tonight and in the future.”
These photos were taken of the Rankin Brigade demonstration on January 15, 1968, by Roz Payne. The set also includes a few images of a young man burning a draft card.
Roz Payne
Roz Payne
Center for Digital Research in the Humanities, University of Nebraska-Lincoln
January 15, 1968
Yippies at HUAC Hearings (85 images)
New Left/Counterculture
In 1968, in the wake of the police riot outside the Democratic National Convention in Chicago, the House UnAmerican Activities Committee (HUAC) subpoenaed Yippie leaders, Abbie Hoffman and Jerry Rubin, as well as other members of the Chicago 7, including Tom Hayden, Rennie Davis, Dave Dellinger, and early anti-Vietnam war activist Robert Greenblatt. A statement by the National Emergency Civil Liberties Committee (NECLC) called the HUAC hearings an “attempt by the Johnson administration to use every mechanism at its disposal to legitimize the action of Mayor Daley and the Chicago police.” Lawyers for the subpoenaed activists included Michael Kennedy and Henry di Suvero of the NECLC, William Kunstler of the Law Center for Constitutional Rights, and Gerald Lefcourt of the National Lawyers Guild.
In classic Yippie fashion, Rubin and Hoffman sought to create a satirical theatrical media spectacle out of their appearances. According to a Harvard Crimson article in February of 1969, “In the fifties, the most effective sanction was terror. Almost any publicity from HUAC meant the ‘blacklist'. Without a chance to clear his name, a witness would suddenly find himself without friends and without a job. But it is not easy to see how in 1969, a HUAC blacklist could terrorize an SDS activist. Witnesses like Jerry Rubin have openly boasted of their contempt for American institutions. A subpoena from HUAC would be unlikely to scandalize Abbie Hoffman or his friends.” Rubin told the Liberation News Service that he “plans to use the hearings as a stage for a theatrical assault on HUAC and as a platform to call for disruptive actions on election day.” During an earlier appearance before HUAC in 1966, Rubin dressed as an American revolutionary and passed out copies of the Declaration of Independence, claiming to be a descendent of Thomas Jefferson and Thomas Paine and declaring "Nothing is more American than revolution." He also blew bubble gum bubbles as committee members questioned him about his communist affiliations, while others offered the committee Nazi salutes. During his responses to committee questions, he highlighted the segregationist pasts of prominent HUAC members, as well as their ties to Pentagon contractors.
Not to be outdone, Hoffman kiddingly told the LNS, “I plan to turn state’s evidence. I plan to squeal on everybody… I am going to indict my friend Peter Rabbit.” He went on to explain that his strategy was to “get crazy. Craziest motherfuckers they ever seen in this country. ‘Cause that’s the only way we’re gonna beat them. So fucking crazy that they can’t understand it at ALL.” As Hoffman’s biographer, Jonah Raskin related, “Abbie printed and distributed his own subpoenas, which were addressed to “Yippies, Motherfuckers, Commies, Narcos, Saboteurs, Conspirators, Sons of Liberty, Freaks, Guerrillas.” His subpoenas urged everyone to come to the hearings with “pot, incense, yo-yos, molotov cocktails, flowers, energy, black widow spiders, balloons, flags, gold balls, PIGS, music, banners, LSD, flaming crosses, hats, fruit, battleships, life, rice, licorice, slogans, flesh, rocks, lights, noise makers, buttons, cameras, gorillas.”
On the opening day of the hearings - October 1 – the activists and their lawyers engaged in a “stand-in” to protest the proceedings. Attorney Michael Kennedy shouted, “The Constitution is being raped, and we as lawyers are being emasculated in an armed camp.” Hoffman wore a tie-dyed t-shirt with feathers in his bushy hair, while Rubin wore a bandolier of live cartridges and carried a toy M-16 rifle. Members of the newly-formed women’s liberation group, Women’s International Terrorist Conspiracy from Hell (W.I.T.C.H.), including Roz Payne, wore black hats and dresses and carried broomsticks. As Raskin described, “Forming a circle around Jerry, they burned incense, danced, and chanted.”
Jerry Rubin described the the events this way:
“I come to the HUAC hearings wearing a bandolero of real bullets and carrying a toy M-16 rifle on my shoulder. The rifle was a model of the rifles the Viet Cong steal and then use to kill American soldiers in Vietnam.
The pigs stop me at the door of the hearings. They grab the bullets and the gun. It is a dramatic moment. Press and yippies pack us in tightly. The pigs drag me down three flights of stairs and remove the bullets, leaving the gun, Viet Cong pajamas, Eldridge Cleaver buttons, Black Panther beret, war paint, earrings, bandolero, and the bells which ring every time I move my body. My costume carried a nonverbal message: ‘We must all become stoned guerrillas.’
The secret to the costume was the painted tits. Guerrilla war in America is going to come in psychedelic colors. We are hippie-guerrillas.
In HUAC’s chambers Abbie Hoffman jumps up and yells out, ‘May I go to the bathroom?’ Young kids reading that in their hometown papers giggle because they have to ask permission every time they want to go to the bathroom in school.
The message of my costume flipped across the country in one day: an example of our use of the enemy’s institutions – her mass media – to turn on and communicate with one another.”
Over the next few days, Hoffman and Rubin continued to create a spectacle from the hearings. Rubin returned with his bandolier, toy gun, Native American headband, body paint and North Vietnamese flag cape. But it was Hoffman who stole the show. Again, Jonah Raskin explains,
“Gerald Lefcourt later remembered that Abbie did not want to let HUAC steal the media spotlight. ‘He wanted what he was about to be on the evening news, and not what they were about,’ Lefcourt said. He explained that Abbie ‘had the idea of wearing a flag shirt and saying “I’m more American that you.” He was certain that he would be arrested, and that the arrest would make the news and steal the show from the committee. Moreover, he had a hunch that the police would rip off the American flag shirt from his back. Then, they’d be guilty of desecration.’
On the morning of October 4, everything went more or less as Abbie had planned. Anita painted the flag of the Vietnamese National Liberation Front (NLF) on his back. Then Abbie put on a commercially made American flag shirt and pinned on two of his favorite buttons: one that read ‘Wallace for President: Stand Up for America” and another that said ‘Vote Pig in Sixty-Eight, Yippie.’ He also wore dark glasses that made him look mysterious and a bit menacing as well. Sure enough, on the sidewalk outside the Cannon Office Building, law enforcement officials stopped him, tore up his shirt, and arrested him for desecration of the flag. Abbie spent the night in jail. It was a dreadful experience that only added to his sense of outrage about the whole affair. ‘The law I was arrested under would make everyone who dresses in an Uncle Sam costume and most drum majorettes criminals,’ he wrote in the Epilogue to Revolution for the Hell of It. And he added that he had recently watched Phyllis Diller on TV wearing ‘a miniskirt that looked more like an American flag than the shirt I wore,’ but no one had arrested her.
He was the first person to be prosecuted under the new federal statute that made it a crime to deface or defile the flag. U.S. Attorney Benton Becker argued that the flag was ‘symbolically the United States of America,’ and that the government had ‘a legitimate interest in maintaining the sanctity of its symbols.’ Gerald Lefcourt defended Abbie on First Amendment grounds: wearing the flag was a form of symbolic speech, Lefcourt argued. His client had never intended to dishonor the flag. Morover, there was no physical violence, no personal injury, and no provocation to the public. ‘The communication of ideas is what the country is all about,’ Lefcourt told the court. ‘If we don’t protect the communication of ideas, then we’re leading ourselves down the path of serious trouble to a repressive society.’
On the witness stand, Abbie explained that he wore the American flag shirt because ‘I was going before the Un-American Activities Committee of the House of Representatives and I don’t particularly consider that committee American, and I don’t consider that House of Representatives particularly representative; and I wore the shirt to show that we were in the tradition of the founding fathers of this country.’ He was found guilty of desecrating the flag and was sentenced to a thirty-day prison term, although an appeals court would subsequently reverse the lower court’s decision. 'Your honor, I regret that I have but one shirt to give for my country,' he said after he was sentenced.”
As Hoffman was arrested outside the HUAC hearings, Jerry Rubin comically shouted at police, “Communists,” for not arresting him, as well. Two months later, at another round of HUAC hearings in December, Rubin wore a Santa Claus costume “in a direct attempt to reach the head of every child in the country.” Hoffman refused to testify in front of HUAC.
The photos in this set were taken by Roz Payne on October 3 and 4, 1968, and include images of Abbie Hoffman and Anita Hoffman’s arrest, Jerry Rubin in costume, Hoffman talking to Paul Krassner, a dinner with lawyers and other miscellaneous shots from the courthouse scene.
Roz Payne
Roz Payne
Center for Digital Research in the Humanities, University of Nebraska-Lincoln
1968
New York City Yippie Protest (34 images)
Anti-Vietnam War Movement
These photos show Yippie activists, including Abbie Hoffman, protesting in New York City. The images, most of which were taken on Sixth Avenue between 8th Street and Waverly, appear to be circa 1968, as one of the signs reads, "Don't waste your vote - put a pig in the White House" and the flyers feature a pig dressed as Uncle Sam. In 1968, Yippie activists nominated a pig, "Pigasus," as the Democratic nominee for president during their protest in Chicago. A few of the photos also show Roz Payne laying on a rock in Central Park.
Roz Payne
Roz Payne
Center for Digital Research in the Humanities, University of Nebraska-Lincoln
ca. 1968
Whitney Museum Presents "Newsreel: Ten Years of Political Documentaries"
Underground Press
This poster promotes an exhibition of films by Newsreel Films at the Whitney Museum in New York City.
During the mid-2000s, Roz Payne wrote a brief essay on the early history of Newsreel Films:
"In 1967 a group of independent filmmakers, photographers, and media workers formed a collective to make political relevant films sharing our resources, skills, and equipment. As individuals we had been covering many of the events that we considered news, demonstrations, acts of resistance, and countless inequities and abuses. Sometimes films were made and some times not. Most often they were made too late and did not go to the people who could use them best.
We met in a basement in the lower eastside of New York and later at the alternate U, then more basements until we got an office. The only news we saw was on TV and we knew who owned the stations. We decided to make films that would show another side to the news. It was clear to us that the established forms of media were not going to approach those subjects which threaten their very existence.
I was a school teacher in New Jersey who shot photos. My marriage with Arnold Payne, Mr. Muscle Beach Jr. had broken up, I left a little house on the Palisades, overlooking the boats on the Hudson River right over the Spry sign across from 96th Street. I would sit looking at the burning windows of the NYC skyline as the sun set. That fire and the fire from a GI's Zippo lighter on the straw of a Vietnamese hut helped ignite me. I moved to New York City.
Walking down Second Ave and 10th Street with my camera one afternoon Melvin Margolis, a wild looking hippie stopped me and said, 'Hey, your a photographer and there's a meeting tonight of all the political film people. You have to go. It is very important. Make sure that you go. I'm not kidding.' I showed up that night, to the first meeting of Newsreel.
About 30 people met weekly to talk about films, equipment, and politics. I think we were great because we came from various political backgrounds and had different interests. We never all agreed on a political line. We broke down into smaller groups to work on the films. The working groups included anti-Vietnam-war, anti-imperialist, high school, students, women, workers, Yippies, Third World, and the infamous sex, drugs and party committee.
We wanted to make two films a month and get 12 prints of each film out to groups across the country. We wanted to spark the creation of similar news-film groups in other major cities of the United States so that they would distribute our films and would cover and shoot the events in their area.
The first film I worked on was the 1968 student take over of Columbia University. The students had taken over 5 buildings. We had a film team in each building. We were shooting from the inside while the rest of the press were outside. We participated in the political negotiations and discussions. Our cameras were used as weapons as well as recording the events. Melvin had a W.W.II cast iron steel Bell and Howell camera that could take the shock of breaking plate glass windows.
Newsreel worked to expand the awareness of events and situations relevant to shaping the movement. Our films tried to analyze, not just cover; they explored the realities that the media, as part of the system, always ignores.
In the 67 the FBI started the Counter-intelligence program to try to destroy African Americans, especially the Black Panther Party and the New Left. We worked with Third World groups. We produced various films that these groups could use to tell their stories and to use in organizing in their own communities and workplaces, hopefully serving as catalysis for social change.
Newsreel not only made films but we were among the first to distribute films made in Cuba, Vietnam, Africa, and the Middle East.
As Newsreel grew we spread out, opened offices and distribution centers across the country. We had offices in San Francisco, Detroit, Boston, Kansas, Los Angeles, Vermont, and Atlanta. We made films and distributed our films in the hope that the audiences who saw them would respond to the issues they raised. We wanted people to work with our films as catalysis for political discussions about social change in America and to relate the questions in the films to issues in their own communities.
We had many struggles in Newsreel around class, women, political education, cultural and worker politics, the haves and have nots. It was hard to hold to the correct political line. Little by little the groups changed from film-maker control to worker control, to women control, to third world control. Today, Third World Newsreel is in New York, California Newsreel is in San Francisco, and there is a Vermont Newsreel Archives.
In l972, myself and others moved to Vermont. We continue to distribute Newsreel films, shoot videos, use computer graphics, and maintain a film, photo, and document archive. With the easy accessibility of video cameras thousands of people are making their own documents to tell the stories of what is happening around them. I am shooting history of retired FBI agents that worked on Cointelpro against Don Cox, an exiled Black Panther and the white women who helped him. I teach History of the Sixties, Civil Rights Movement, Women, and Mycology at Burlington College."
Whitney Museum
Roz Payne
Center for Digital Research in the Humanities, University of Nebraska-Lincoln
ca. 1977
poster
Roz Payne, Sheriff
(1 image)
Roz Payne
Roz Payne was put forth for a few different local offices in Vermont including sheriff.
unknown
Roz Payne
Center for Digital Research in the Humanities, University of Nebraska-Lincoln
undated
photograph
My Mother
Labor Movement
Roz Payne's mother, Edith Berkman, a Communist labor organizer, was arrested during the Lawrence, Massachusetts, textile strike in 1931. Afterward, the U.S. Department of Labor attempted to deport Berkman to Poland. Berkman was held in Boston by the U.S. government without bail for more than seven months. During that time, she developed tuberculosis and engaged in a hunger strike. Her case became fairly well-known among radical activists and labor organizers at the time, particularly on the East Coast. Seven students were arrested by police at Harvard during a protest over Berkman's case in 1932.
A 1932 Letter to the Editor of the Harvard Crimson from the Executive Committee of the Harvard Liberal Club described the case this way:
To the Editor of the CRIMSON,
We wish to congratulate the CRIMSON on its interest in the case of Miss Edith Berkman as evidenced by its editorial yesterday morning. We believe, however, that one important aspect of the case was neglected.
The main reason for Miss Berkman's arrest was her energetic activity as a strike-leader whom the Lawrence mill-owners wished to get out of the way as soon as possible. Her affiliation with a left-wing union was the excuse, and the U. S. Department of Labor was the means.
It is the use of the Department of Labor as a strike-breaking weapon in the hands of the mill-owners that is the crux of this situation. It is against this, and the particularly flagrant use of it in this case,--the holding of Miss Berkman for seven months without bail as a punitive measure,--that the Liberal Club's protest is lodged. By Miss Berkman's activity, the National Textile Workers' Union had conducted a vigorous and thorough prosecution of the strike, which in turn created a united front of millowners, the A. F. of L., and the U. S. Department of Labor, whose common object was to break it completely. These tactics have now become a routine practice of Secretary of Labor Doak. It is against this practice, carried on under cover of the immigration laws, that the Liberal Club protests.
The Liberal Club is not so naive as to believe in the existence of a "right" to free speech and agitation when this "right" conflicts with ruling class interest. It realizes that in an industrial crisis the machinery of the State is used to suppress by any means the activity of militant working-class unions. And it is with these unions, of which Edith Berkman was a member and organizer, that we sympathize and propose to defend. E. Y. Hartshorne, Jr. '33.
For the Executive Committee, Harvard Liberal Club
Another Letter to the Editor from Clarence Agress described the case this way:
To the Editor of the CRIMSON:
As an active participator in the recent demonstration on behalf of Edith Berkman, the writer has been much chagrined to see that the controversy centering around this affair in the CRIMSON has been too much occupied with the errors made by her sympathizers and too little concerned with the more vital issues in question.
The arrests, following the "riot" which has been outrageously exaggerated were a startling surprise to the participators who witnessed an hitherto peaceful band of cops metamorphosed into almost brutal "arrest-hunters." But aside from this, the point that should be emphasized is the attitude of the immigration authorities toward the much mistreated Edith Berkman. Mrs. Tillinghast and Sub-Commissioner F. S. Abercrombie have tried to suppress knowledge of the fact that those in no way connected with Communist or Socialist organizations are active in Miss Berkman's case and they have played the whole affair up as a "Red Riot" to give it the stigma of radicalism.
To cite another example of this gross unfairness, the writer through a personal interview with Miss Berkman has discovered that she is on a hunger strike for the purpose of focusing attention on her present position. Yet the information given out is to the effect that being a consumptive, she is on a "special diet," which, of course, obviates all beneficial results to Miss Berkman and greatly damages the sincerity of her cause in the eyes of the public. The facts in the Berkman case are too well known to repeat, but it seems that anyone who is acquainted with them must realize that Miss Berkman is being made an example of, as a warning to those who might in the future have spirit enough to protest a wage-cut.
Miss Berkman is guilty of nothing but being a leader in the Lowell Mill Strike and of membership in the National Textile Workers Union, and since when has it been a crime for labor to organize for the protection of its rights? Yet she was jailed on a false charge which was afterwards changed, held without opportunity for bail until she contracted tuberculosis, and now is awaiting possible deportation as an "undesirable alien" to Poland, where there is a strong probability that she will face the dangerous persecution of the unfriendly Fascists. Sooner or later the public must realize this miscarriage of justice and force the authorities to release Edith Berkman! Clarence M. Agress '33.
Roz Payne was extremely proud of her mother's activism and drew on her experience in Payne's own activism.
Roz Payne
Roz Payne
Center for Digital Research in the Humanities, University of Nebraska-Lincoln
unknown
photocopy
FBI agents (1 image)
Black Panther Party/COINTELPRO
Photographs of FBI agents, William A. Cohendet and Charles Bates, along with their wives and Roz Payne. The agents helped Payne piece together some of the information related to COINTELPRO and the Black Panther Party when she was working on the DVD release of the Newsreel films on the Panthers in the late-1990s.
Roz Payne
Roz Payne
Center for Digital Research in the Humanities, University of Nebraska-Lincoln
ca. 1999
Roslyn Payne for Assistant Judge
Electoral Politics
Over the years, since moving to Vermont, Roz Payne has run for, and occasionally been elected to, a local public office or authority, like the time she became sheriff, but that is a whole other story...
unknown
Roz Payne
Center for Digital Research in the Humanities, University of Nebraska-Lincoln
undated
Button
Physical Object
Reading/Performance FBI Letters: The War on Black Americans
Black Power and Repression
As a part of her work on the DVD reissue of the Newsreel Films three Black Panther Party films, Roz Payne collected a trove of primary source materials on the FBI COINTELPRO operations against the Panthers. This event features Payne reading selections from those materials.
FBI
Roz Payne
Center for Digital Research in the Humanities, University of Nebraska-Lincoln
unknown
poster