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Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
Small Press Publications
Description
An account of the resource
During the 1960s, numerous radical and independent small presses were created to publish longer essays, manifestos, philosophical tracts, treatises and poetry related to the movements of the New Left. These independent presses filled a niche that mainstream and commercial presses largely ignored. Small press publications were particularly vibrant in the women's liberation movement. While many of these independent publishers of the Sixties were short-lived, others have continued into the present.
Physical Object
An inanimate, three-dimensional object or substance. Note that digital representations of, or surrogates for, these objects should use Moving Image, Still Image, Text or one of the other types.
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
Prairie Fire: The Politics of Revolutionary Anti-Imperialism
Subject
The topic of the resource
New Left
Description
An account of the resource
Prairie Fire was a 188-page political manifesto published by the Weather Underground in 1974. It was written primarily by <span>Bill Ayers, Bernardine Dohrn, Jeff Jones, and Celia Sojourn and </span>articulated the radical splinter group's ideology, endorsed revolutionary violence, and, according to Jonah Raskin, "embodied a muffled desperation that underlay the bravado about Third World liberation." <span>The name for the manifesto was derived from the writings of Chinese Communist revolutionary, Mao Zedong. In his “Little Red Book,” he wrote, “a single spark can set a prairie fire" as an analogy for revolution. The ideas in the book drew not only on Maoist philosphy, but also Marxist/Leninism. The manifesto encourages a mix of mass-organizing and clandestine revolutionary violence. "Never disassociate mass struggle from revolutionary violence," the author's argued. "To leave people unprepared to fight the state," they said, "is to seriously mislead them about the inevitable nature of what lies ahead." "Prairie Fire" was distributed in radical bookstores, food coops, headshops, on college campuses and many other places that movement activists met. It was met with a combination of strong emotions throughout the Left. Ultimately, the ideological arguments articulated in "Prairie Fire" led to a new split in the Weather Underground, with some gravitating toward the "Prairie Fire Collective," which favored mass-based, above-ground revolutionary politics, and the "May 19th Communist Organization," which remained underground and pulled off the infamous Brinks robbery in 1981. </span><br /><br />Ron Jacobs, who has chronicled the history of the Weather Underground, reflects on Prairie Fire <a href="https://www.counterpunch.org/2004/07/24/the-weather-underground-s-prairie-fire-statement-thirty-years-on/">here</a> and <a href="https://www.versobooks.com/blogs/3469-a-second-wind-for-weather-underground-the-prairie-fire-statement">here</a>.<br /><br />Raskin's reflection on the manifesto on its 45th anniversary can be read <a href="https://www.tabletmag.com/jewish-arts-and-culture/288105/prairie-fire-weather-underground">here</a>.
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Weather Underground
Source
A related resource from which the described resource is derived
Roz Payne
Publisher
An entity responsible for making the resource available
Center for Digital Research in the Humanities, University of Nebraska-Lincoln
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1974
Format
The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource
small press publication
Bernadine Dohrn
Bill Ayers
Brinks robbery
Celia Sojourn
Jeff Jones
Jonah Raskin
Little Red Book
Mao Tse-tung
Maoism
Marxist-Leninism
May 19th Communist Organization
New Left
Prairie Fire
Prairie Fire Collective
revolution
Ron Jacobs
SDS
Students for a Democratic Society
underground
violence
Weather Underground
Weatherman
-
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Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
Underground Press
Description
An account of the resource
One of the key characteristics of the various movements of the 1960s-era was the creation of alternative, or "underground," newspapers. These newspapers were not clandestine, though. Quite the opposite. They were important public organizing tools for New Left movements, crucial to disseminating information, educating activists and promoting events. In addition to articles, they also often included comix and other graphics, advertisements and sometimes even personals. This collection contains a range of underground newspapers, some focused on a particular movement, like the women's movement, others offering broader coverage of the many movements taking place at the time.
Physical Object
An inanimate, three-dimensional object or substance. Note that digital representations of, or surrogates for, these objects should use Moving Image, Still Image, Text or one of the other types.
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
The Guardian, April 16, 1975
Subject
The topic of the resource
New Left
Description
An account of the resource
The National Guardian was a radical, left newsweekly published out of New York City from 1948-1992. The paper was established by James Aronson, Cedric Belfrage, who were committed activists for the Progressive Party and Henry Wallace presidential campaign, as well as John McManus and Josiah Gitt, both liberal newspaper men, though Gitt quickly dropped out. In addition to the Progressive Party, the newspaper also held ties with American communists and the labor movement. The Cold War took a toll on the newspaper, with the decline of the Progressive Party and the rise of McCarthyism in the U.S. During the post-WWII era, the newspaper focused coverage on opposition to the Cold War and militarism, support for emerging anti-colonial struggles around the world, defense of those targeted by McCarthyism, advocacy for the black freedom movement. The newspaper continued to hold a cozy relationship with the Communist Party U.S.A., though it did break with the group over some issues, particularly support for independent political action beyond party control. The 1960s-era brought a new period of political rancor within the editorial ranks of the newspaper. In the end, the periodical changed leadership and renamed itself The Guardian. The Guardian took an increasingly Maoist line, supporting armed struggles against colonialism. During this period, the newspaper attempted to forge ties with SDS and SNCC, writing that "The duty of a radical newspaper is to build a radical movement.” "We are movement people acting as journalists," the Guardian′s staff now proudly declared. In 1970, further ideological fracture lead to the creation of a short-lived rival publication, The Liberated Guardian. In the later-1970s, a more hard-line Marxist-Leninist ideology eroded the newspaper’s reputation for investigative journalism. Readership and support for the newspaper declined through the 1980s and the paper ceased publication in 1992.
In this issue, articles cover the orphan airlift from Vietnam; the end of the U.S. war in Vietnam; Attica; Dominican protests in New York; United Farm Workers organizing in San Francisco; Joan Little; CIA red-squads; auto workers; unemployment; aerospace workers strike; San Francisco “Zebra trial”; government repression against the left; Milwaukee VA protest; the San Quinten Six; housing foreclosures; the Socialist Workers Party; economic recession; the October League; sectarian conflict on the left; Third World liberation struggles; Thieu regime in Vietnam; Soviet socialism; marketplace and letters.
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Weekly Guardian Associates, Inc.
Source
A related resource from which the described resource is derived
Roz Payne
Publisher
An entity responsible for making the resource available
Center for Digital Research in the Humanities, University of Nebraska-Lincoln
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
April 16, 1975
Format
The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource
newspaper
aerospace workers
anti-colonialism
anti-communism
Attica Prison Riot
auto industry
California
Cedric Belfrage
China
CIA
Civil Rights
Cold War
communism
Communist Party
CPUSA
Dominican Republic
Guardian
Henry Wallace
Housing
James Aronson
Joan Little
John McManus
Josiah Gitt
labor movement
Liberated Guardian
Maoism
Marxist-Leninism
McCarthyism
militarism
Milwaukee
National Guardian
New Left
New York
Progressive Party
red squads
Rosenbergs
San Francisco
San Quinten Six
SDS
SNCC
socialism
Soviet Union
Student for a Democratic Society
Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee
Thieu
Third World liberation
Underground Press
United Farm Workers of America
Veterans Administration
Vietnam
Vietnam War
Wisconsin
Zebra trial
-
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Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
Underground Press
Description
An account of the resource
One of the key characteristics of the various movements of the 1960s-era was the creation of alternative, or "underground," newspapers. These newspapers were not clandestine, though. Quite the opposite. They were important public organizing tools for New Left movements, crucial to disseminating information, educating activists and promoting events. In addition to articles, they also often included comix and other graphics, advertisements and sometimes even personals. This collection contains a range of underground newspapers, some focused on a particular movement, like the women's movement, others offering broader coverage of the many movements taking place at the time.
Text
A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text.
Original Format
The type of object, such as painting, sculpture, paper, photo, and additional data
newspaper
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
Liberated Guardian, vol. II, no. 5, September 1971
Subject
The topic of the resource
New Left
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Liberated Guardian Worker's Collective
Source
A related resource from which the described resource is derived
Roz Payne
Publisher
An entity responsible for making the resource available
Center for Digital Research in the Humanities, University of Nebraska-Lincoln
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
September 1971
Description
An account of the resource
The National Guardian was a radical, left newsweekly published out of New York City from 1948-1992. The paper was established by James Aronson, Cedric Belfrage, who were committed activists for the Progressive Party and Henry Wallace presidential campaign, as well as John McManus and Josiah Gitt, both liberal newspaper men, though Gitt quickly dropped out. In addition to the Progressive Party, the newspaper also held ties with American communists and the labor movement. The Cold War took a toll on the newspaper, with the decline of the Progressive Party and the rise of McCarthyism in the U.S. During the post-WWII era, the newspaper focused coverage on opposition to the Cold War and militarism, support for emerging anti-colonial struggles around the world, defense of those targeted by McCarthyism, advocacy for the black freedom movement. The newspaper continued to hold a cozy relationship with the Communist Party U.S.A., though it did break with the group over some issues, particularly support for independent political action beyond party control. The 1960s-era brought a new period of political rancor within the editorial ranks of the newspaper. In the end, the periodical changed leadership and renamed itself The Guardian. The Guardian took an increasingly Maoist line, supporting armed struggles against colonialism. During this period, the newspaper attempted to forge ties with SDS and SNCC, writing that "The duty of a radical newspaper is to build a radical movement.” "We are movement people acting as journalists," the Guardian′s staff now proudly declared. The Liberated Guardian formed out of a workers strike at The Guardian newspaper in New York City in the Spring of 1970. The Liberated Guardian was notable for it strong stand in favor of armed struggle. An ideological and political split within the ranks of the Liberated Guardian staff led to the newspaper’s demise in late-1973. The original Guardian pressed on and took on a more hard-line Marxist-Leninist ideology in the late-1970s, eroding that newspaper’s reputation for investigative journalism. Readership and support for The Guardian declined through the 1980s and the paper ceased publication in 1992.
This special issue of the Liberated Guardian includes a variety of articles that explore the murder of George Jackson and the circumstances surrounding his killing.
Type
The nature or genre of the resource
underground press
anti-communism
armed struggle
August 7 Movement
Black Panther Party
California
Cedric Belfrage
Cold War
Communist Party
CPUSA
George Jackson
Guardian
Henry Wallace
James Aronson
John McManus
Josiah Gitt
labor movement
Liberated Guardian
Maoism
Marxist-Leninism
McCarthyism
National Guardian
New Left
New York
Prison Reform
Prisoner's Rights Movement
Progressive Party
Rosenbergs
San Francisco
San Quentin
SDS
SNCC
Student for a Democratic Society
Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee
Underground Press
Weather Underground
-
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Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
Underground Press
Description
An account of the resource
One of the key characteristics of the various movements of the 1960s-era was the creation of alternative, or "underground," newspapers. These newspapers were not clandestine, though. Quite the opposite. They were important public organizing tools for New Left movements, crucial to disseminating information, educating activists and promoting events. In addition to articles, they also often included comix and other graphics, advertisements and sometimes even personals. This collection contains a range of underground newspapers, some focused on a particular movement, like the women's movement, others offering broader coverage of the many movements taking place at the time.
Text
A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text.
Original Format
The type of object, such as painting, sculpture, paper, photo, and additional data
newspaper
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
Liberated Guardian Supplement, April 15, 1971
Description
An account of the resource
The National Guardian was a radical, left newsweekly published out of New York City from 1948-1992. The paper was established by James Aronson, Cedric Belfrage, who were committed activists for the Progressive Party and Henry Wallace presidential campaign, as well as John McManus and Josiah Gitt, both liberal newspaper men, though Gitt quickly dropped out. In addition to the Progressive Party, the newspaper also held ties with American communists and the labor movement. The Cold War took a toll on the newspaper, with the decline of the Progressive Party and the rise of McCarthyism in the U.S. During the post-WWII era, the newspaper focused coverage on opposition to the Cold War and militarism, support for emerging anti-colonial struggles around the world, defense of those targeted by McCarthyism, advocacy for the black freedom movement. The newspaper continued to hold a cozy relationship with the Communist Party U.S.A., though it did break with the group over some issues, particularly support for independent political action beyond party control. The 1960s-era brought a new period of political rancor within the editorial ranks of the newspaper. In the end, the periodical changed leadership and renamed itself The Guardian. The Guardian took an increasingly Maoist line, supporting armed struggles against colonialism. During this period, the newspaper attempted to forge ties with SDS and SNCC, writing that "The duty of a radical newspaper is to build a radical movement.” "We are movement people acting as journalists," the Guardian′s staff now proudly declared. The Liberated Guardian formed out of a workers strike at The Guardian newspaper in New York City in the Spring of 1970. The Liberated Guardian was notable for it strong stand in favor of armed struggle. An ideological and political split within the ranks of the Liberated Guardian staff led to the newspaper’s demise in late-1973. The original Guardian pressed on and took on a more hard-line Marxist-Leninist ideology in the late-1970s, eroding that newspaper’s reputation for investigative journalism. Readership and support for The Guardian declined through the 1980s and the paper ceased publication in 1992.
These pages are from an 8-page supplement focused on revolutionary art, COINTELPRO and FBI files, and debate within the anti-war movement over strategy.
Source
A related resource from which the described resource is derived
Roz Payne
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
April 15, 1971
Subject
The topic of the resource
New Left
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Liberated Guardian
Publisher
An entity responsible for making the resource available
Center for Digital Research in the Humanities, University of Nebraska-Lincoln
Type
The nature or genre of the resource
underground press
anti-communism
Anti-War
Cedric Belfrage
COINTELPRO
Cold War
Communist Party
CPUSA
FBI
Gay Liberation
Guardian
Henry Wallace
James Aronson
John McManus
Josiah Gitt
Leavenworth
Liberated Guardian
Maoism
Marxist-Leninism
McCarthyism
National Guardian
New York
Political Prisoners
Progressive Party
prostitution
Revolutionary Art
Rosenbergs
SDS
SNCC
Student for a Democratic Society
Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee
Underground Press
Vietnam War
-
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a8f2b4ef4d1bbba79ee85d30ac8b2c2b
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
Leaflets, Flyers, Broadsides and Article Reprints
Description
An account of the resource
The social movements of the Sixties produced hundreds of leaflets, flyers, broadsides and reprinted articles. These items were an important part of movement culture and another important organizing tool for activists and organizations. They were mimeographed and circulated widely at meetings, through the mail and by hand.
Still Image
A static visual representation. Examples include paintings, drawings, graphic designs, plans and maps. Recommended best practice is to assign the type Text to images of textual materials.
Original Format
The type of object, such as painting, sculpture, paper, photo, and additional data
drawing
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
"Power to the People - George"
Subject
The topic of the resource
Black Panther Party
Description
An account of the resource
George Jackson was imprisoned for armed robbery in 1961 and placed in San Quentin Prison before being transferred to Soledad Prison. While incarcerated, Jackson became radicalized and formed a Maoist-Marxist group, the Black Guerrilla Family. He was also a member of the Black Panther Party. In 1970, he and two other inmates were charged with the murder of prison guard, John Vincent Mills, following a fight. They became known as the Soledad Brothers and were seen by many radicals as political prisoners. Jackson was also an author and published the influential, "Soledad Brother: The Prison Letters of George L. Jackson." Jackson was killed by guards at San Quentin during an escape attempt in 1971. Many activists believed he was murdered as retaliation for his activism. “To the slave," Jackson wrote, "revolution is an imperative, a love-inspired, conscious act of desperation. It’s aggressive. It isn’t 'cool’ or cautious. It’s bold, audacious, violent, an expression of icy, disdainful hatred!”
This 1971 poster from Cuba's OSPAAAL (Organization of Solidarity of the People of Asia, Africa & Latin America) marks Jackson's murder and shows his body laying contorted on the ground with star-spangled blood pooling around him. OSPAAA was the main publisher of international solidarity posters in Cuba. Notably, these colorful propaganda posters were not designed to be posted on walls within Cuba, as others were. Instead, they were folded and stapled inside the magazine, Tri-Continental, where they were then distributed internationally.
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Rafael Morante
Source
A related resource from which the described resource is derived
Roz Payne
Publisher
An entity responsible for making the resource available
Center for Digital Research in the Humanities, University of Nebraska-Lincoln
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
ca. 1971
Format
The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource
print
Type
The nature or genre of the resource
poster
Black Guerrilla Family
Black Panther Party
Black Power
Blood In My Eye
California
Cuba
George Jackson
Maoism
Marxism
OSPAAAL
Power to the People
Prisoner's Rights Movement
radicalism
revolution
San Francisco
San Quentin
Soledad Brothers
Soledad Prison
Tri-Continental magazine
violence
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Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
Small Press Publications
Description
An account of the resource
During the 1960s, numerous radical and independent small presses were created to publish longer essays, manifestos, philosophical tracts, treatises and poetry related to the movements of the New Left. These independent presses filled a niche that mainstream and commercial presses largely ignored. Small press publications were particularly vibrant in the women's liberation movement. While many of these independent publishers of the Sixties were short-lived, others have continued into the present.
Text
A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text.
Original Format
The type of object, such as painting, sculpture, paper, photo, and additional data
paper
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
"Two, Three, Many Vietnams," Weatherman
Subject
The topic of the resource
New Left
Description
An account of the resource
This pamphlet describes the revolutionary organizing strategy of the Weather Underground. According to this analysis, traditional mass-based non-violent protest, like those led by the National Moratorium Committee, only serve to reinforce U.S. imperialism and stave off more radical solutions. The Weatherman see the growing radicalization of the black freedom struggle as a vanguard of a global Third World anti-imperialist struggle. The Weather Underground's main goal is to organize the white working-class, which it calls "the least organized enemies of imperialism," into a revolutionary force in solidarity with third world struggles at home and abroad. "Our organizing strategy," they explain, "consists of organizing a white fighting force of young people who are ready to side with the blacks and third world." In the end, they conclude, "This big, fat, rich motherfucking country is going to be overthrown. Being a part of a revolutionary army that joins with other revolutionary armies defeat imperialism is the greatest thing anybody could want to be."
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Weatherman
Source
A related resource from which the described resource is derived
Roz Payne
Publisher
An entity responsible for making the resource available
Center for Digital Research in the Humanities, University of Nebraska-Lincoln
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
ca. 1970
Format
The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource
pamphlet
anti-imperialism
communism
Maoism
New Left
radicalism
SDS
Third World Nationalism
Weather Underground
-
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cd869c0d50d2e0a20e8d7408ac361d92
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
Posters and Graphic Design
Description
An account of the resource
The movements of the Sixties produced a rich history of political posters and other graphic arts. These posters were hung in political offices, bookstores, bedrooms and in public. The posters collected here include designs related to the anti-war movement, Black Power, women’s liberation, the Yippies, counterculture, the Democratic National Convention in Chicago, anti-imperialism, the Cuban Revolution, environmentalism, Bernie Sanders’ elections for Burlington mayor, anti-communism, the labor movement, corporate inequality, the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, and other topics. Of particular note are a series of posters created by the OSPAAAL, the Organisation in Solidarity with the People of Africa, Asia and Latin America, the main publisher of international solidarity posters in Cuba.
Source
A related resource from which the described resource is derived
Roz Payne
Physical Object
An inanimate, three-dimensional object or substance. Note that digital representations of, or surrogates for, these objects should use Moving Image, Still Image, Text or one of the other types.
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Description
An account of the resource
On July 16, 1978, West German, Kristina Berster, and two American accomplices were picked up by U.S. Border Patrol officials in Vermont for illegally crossing into the United States from Canada. Initially, the FBI and other law enforcement claimed Berster was a terrorist on the lamb from Germany, where she was a member of the Baader-Meinhof gang, also known as the Red Army Faction.
Baader-Meinhof was a radical, left-wing organization established in 1970 that engaged in a series of bombings, assassinations, kidnappings, bank robberies and shoot-outs with police over the course of three decades, though their activity peaked in 1977. Stefan Aust, who wrote a book about the history of Red Army Faction, detailed the background and emergence of the group, “World War II was only twenty years earlier. Those in charge of the police, the schools, the government — they were the same people who'd been in charge under Nazism. The chancellor, Kurt Georg Kiesinger, had been a Nazi. People started discussing this only in the 60s. We were the first generation since the war, and we were asking our parents questions. Due to the Nazi past, everything bad was compared to the Third Reich. If you heard about police brutality, that was said to be just like the SS. The moment you see your own country as the continuation of a fascist state, you give yourself permission to do almost anything against it. You see your action as the resistance that your parents did not put up.” As Red Army Faction member, Gudrun Ennslin, is reported to have said after the death of one his comrades, “They'll kill us all. You know what kind of pigs we're up against. This is the Auschwitz generation. You can't argue with people who made Auschwitz. They have weapons and we haven't. We must arm ourselves!” Aust went on to explain the appeal of Baader-Meinhof to some West Germans, “The Baader-Meinhof Gang drew a measure of support that violent leftists in the United States, like the Weather Underground, never enjoyed. A poll at the time showed that a quarter of West Germans under forty felt sympathy for the gang and one-tenth said they would hide a gang member from the police. Prominent intellectuals spoke up for the gang's righteousness (as) Germany even into the 1970s was still a guilt-ridden society. When the gang started robbing banks, newscasts compared its members to Bonnie and Clyde. (Andreas) Baader, a charismatic action man indulged in the imagery, telling people that his favourite movies were Bonnie and Clyde, which had recently come out, and The Battle of Algiers. The pop poster of Che Guevara hung on his wall, (while) he paid a designer to make a Red Army Faction logo, a drawing of a machine gun against a red star.” Red Army Faction was organized into cells and practiced what Brazilian revolutionary Carlos Marighella called the “urban guerrilla.” According to Marghella, an urban guerrilla, was “A person who fights the military dictatorship with weapons, using unconventional methods... The urban guerrilla follows a political goal, and only attacks the government, big businesses, and foreign imperialists.” In response, West German authorities initiated a growing clamp-down on left-wing activists and lawyers, as well as critics of the government, generally.
At the same time in the U.S., legislators and law enforcement were growing increasingly concerned about “terrorism” and looking for legal and social bases to tighten strictures on so-called “terrorists.” One point of concern was the northern border with Canada. In this context, many saw the Kristina Berster case as an opportunity for U.S. law enforcement in the post-1960s era to promote this new anti-terrorism agenda. At first, the FBI Press Officer claimed the arrest “marked the first time a member of the notorious urban gang has been caught trying to enter the country.” In Burlington, Vermont, Assistant U.S. Attorney, Jerome O’Neill, stated that Berster was one of the 34 most wanted persons in the world. These were explosive claims that were picked up and repeated by national press across the country, including the New York Times. Quickly, though, those grand assertions began to unravel. West German authorities corrected FBI statements, saying that Berster was not, in fact a member of the Baader-Meinhof gang, and that they may not even be interested in extraditing her, prompting a corrected statement by the FBI. Yet, the cat was out of the bag in the U.S. media and the retraction did not change the overall tenor of coverage in the case, with most media continuing to refer to Berster as a “terrorist.”
American journalist Greg Guma has written extensively about the Berster case. In an article titled, “How disinformation turned Kristina Berster into an ‘enemy of the state,’” he described the context of growing radicalism in Germany when Berster entered the university:
“WHEN KRISTINA Berster, then 20, arrived in Heidelburg in late 1970, the student movement was well underway. The young in Germany were restless and angry, mostly about Vietnam. The rhetoric had turned revolutionary since the days of ‘Ban the Bomb!’ and the Berlin Wall. Student radicals numbered over 170,000, some of them turning gradually to Communism or Maoist ideology.
In a sense, German youth were emulating American dissent. The New Left in the US had reached a crisis point with the police riots at the Democratic Convention in Chicago and the Days of Rage, which sparked the formation of the Weather Underground. German protest erupted with demonstrations in Berlin and the bombing of two empty department stores by Andreas Baader and Gudrin Ensslin.
The purpose of the bombings, said Baader, was ‘to light a beacon’ against the consumer society. As Ensslin explained, ‘We set fires in department stores so you will stop buying. The compulsion to buy terrorizes you.’ The analysis was superficial, but it struck at the core of German complacency in an era of intensive economic development.
With their accomplices, the couple was caught and convicted on arson charges, but they found support from one of Germany’s leading leftist journalists, Ulrike Meinhof.
When they were released in 1969, pending appeal of their cases. Baader and Ensslin went underground with help from Meinhof, and on September 29, 1970, the Red Army Faction (RAF) was officially born with the robbing of three West Berlin banks. Baader said the first problem of ‘the revolution’ was finding financial support.
By early 1971, West German police were turning to automatic weapons and brutal tactics at demonstrations. Anyone who looked like a nonconformist risked a spontaneous interrogation. New search, arrest and gun laws were passed; roadblocks were a common sight on the Autobahn. The excuse for the broad extension of police powers was a nationwide search for the Baader-Meinhof group, even though the political fugitives were responsible for only five out of 1,061 bank robberies committed during their heyday. The first suspect killed by police was a 20-year-old hairdresser named Petra Schelm.
Berster was interested in psychology and grew increasingly alarmed at what she viewed as the isolation, atomization and alienation of people in West German society, as well as the frightening new psychological tactics authorities were developing against political dissidents. Berster was deeply influenced by radical concepts of therapy articulated by people like Thomas Szasz, who wrote, “The parallel between political and moral fascism is close. Each offers a kind of protection. And upon those unwilling to heed peaceful persuasion, the values of the state will be imposed by force: in political fascism by the military and the police; in moral fascism by therapists, especially psychiatrists.” After Berster was implicated by an informant as a left-wing sympathizer, she was detained and imprisoned for six months. During that time, she saw first-hand the erosion of legal rights in the West German system, as her lawyer was targeted and sanctioned by the state.
When Baader and Meinhof were arrested in 1971, they were placed in what was called “wipe-out detention.” As Guma explained, “It was a world of total sterility: luminous white, with fluorescent lights always on and all windows covered. The cells were soundproofed and filled only with white noise. In the ‘Dead Wing’ there were no visitors except lawyers and relatives. Reading materials were censored and other prisoners were never seen nor heard. When Jean-Paul Sartre saw Baader after two years in the ‘Dead Wing,’ he said, ‘This is not torture like the Nazis. It is torture meant to bring on psychic disturbances.’
Berster called this form of solitary confinement ‘the most effective way to destroy personality irreversibly. Humans are social. When you cut that off, when people are not able to talk or relate to others, an internal destruction begins. You become catatonic; somatic problems begin.’”
As a result of her own experience and the treatment of members of the Red Army Faction, Berster became increasingly interested in and involved with the prisoner’s rights movement in her country through the Socialist Patients Collective. In 1972, West German political leaders passed repressive new legislation against radicals, heightening concern that Berster and others would not receive fair trials. At the same time, growing debate divided the New Left in West Germany over the necessity of armed struggle. Berster later told supporters in Vermont that she had “problems with violence… I can’t shoot someone. I could never do violence.” As the 1970s pressed on, Berster decided to flee West Germany, spending time in Yemen, obtaining an Iranian passport and then ending up in Montreal. At her trial, Berster explained why she had crossed over to the U.S. in Vermont, “When I was in Paris, I was told that to get into the States, all you had to do was walk through Vermont’s northern border… They gave me a plan, with a map they drew, to enter from Noyan, Quebec, to Vermont.” Berster hoped to receive asylum in the U.S.
The Berster case attracted the support of a group of New Left activists in Vermont, including Roz Payne, as well as famed radical lawyer, William Kunstler, who represented Berster and saw in her case an opportunity to press back against increasing legal attacks against leftist lawyers in Germany, as well as new forms of political repression in the U.S. “This case goes far beyond Kristina Berster,” Kunstler told the press. “I am very concerned with West Germany’s treatment of so-called terrorists and the so-called left wing lawyers who defend them.” Kunstler also expressed concern over the “panic” reaction in the U.S. over the “terrorist” label, which resulted in $500,000 bail for Berster, to date the largest amount ever set for a border charge. The Berster Defense Committee in Vermont conducted a regional survey to assess public perceptions of the case and mounted rallies in support of Berster.
In October of 1978, after the longest jury deliberation in Vermont history, Berster received a mixed verdict, convicted on a felony and misdemeanor charge related to her border crossing, but acquitted of the more serious conspiracy charge. Several jurors were clearly sympathetic to Berster’s political plight and expressed hope after the trial that she might still win asylum in the U.S. The judge sentenced her to 9 months in jail, all but two weeks of which she had already served. The prosecutor in the case continued to stoke public fears about Berster, revealing to the media that Berster had spent time in Yemin. Immediately, U.S. Immigration and Naturalization Service initiated deportation proceedings against Berster. Roz Payne worked as an investigator and paralegal for attorneys Bill Knsutler, Jesse Berman, Bill Kittel and Chris Davis on Berster’s immigration case. Ultimately, in 1979, a deal was brokered between U.S. and West German officials to drop the original charges against Berster and allow her to return home without a deportation order.
Reflecting on the case years later, Guma wrote:
“What to make of the Kristina Berster case? In one sense, it was a matter of human rights. Victimized by shifting international politics, a student activist whose only crime was crossing a border to seek asylum had spent almost two years in prison, in Germany and then the US.
But there was more to it than that. Berster’s case demonstrated how a campaign against terrorism can easily go off the rails, threatening anyone who actively tries to change the way society is run – from civil libertarians and prison reformers to anti-nuclear protesters and feminists. Across the country, despite claims that the days of COINTELPRO were over, reports were surfacing – harassment, covert agents provoking violence in nonviolent groups, wiretapping, political grand juries, and intrusive surveillance. As the 1970s wound down a chill was setting in, and terrorism was becoming an excuse for virtually any tactic the government found effective…
[Berster’s] US stay had revealed a few things — for example, that officials, working in and with intelligence agents, were ready to lie in court and sanction illegal surveillance, and that some media could be used to distribute rumors and falsehoods; The evidence remained circumstantial, but it also looked like Vermont had witnessed the manufacturing of a terrorist scare, an attempt to warp public perceptions for political gain. The FBI had lied, so had the prosecutor. Anyone who supported the defendant was targeted for surveillance. Then there was the simulated terrorist ‘siege.’
In essence, it looked like a concerted effort to influence public opinion, what would soon be labeled ‘perception management’ in a Defense Department manual. Basically, this tactic involves both conveying and denying information ‘to influence emotions, motives, and objective reasoning.’ The goal is to influence both enemies and friends, ultimately to provoke the behavior you want. ‘Perception management combines truth projection, operations security, cover and deception, and psychological operations,’ according to DOD.
In the Reagan years this type of operation was euphemistically labeled ‘public diplomacy,’ which was officially expanded to include domestic disinformation during the Bush I administration. In those days it was mostly about stoking fear of communism, the Sandinistas, Qaddafi, and anyone else on Reagan’s hit list. Clinton modifications were outlined in Directive 68, which still showed no distinction between what could be done abroad and at home. When Bush II took office, the name was changed again, this time to ‘strategic influence.’
Title
A name given to the resource
Asylum for Kristina Berster
Subject
The topic of the resource
New Left
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Kristina Berster Defense Committee
Source
A related resource from which the described resource is derived
Roz Payne
Publisher
An entity responsible for making the resource available
Center for Digital Research in the Humanities, University of Nebraska-Lincoln
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1978
Format
The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource
poster
“wipe-out detention”
Andreas Baader
Auschwitz
Autobahn
Baader-Meinhof
Ban the Bomb
Battle of Algiers
Berlin Wall
Berster Defense Committee
Bill Clinton
Bill Kittel
Bonnie and Clyde
Burlington
Canada
Che Guevara
Chicago '68
Chris Davis
COINTELPRO
communism
Days of Rage
Dead Wing
Defense Department
Directive 68
FBI
George Bush
Greg Guma
Gudrun Ennslin
Heidelburg
Iran
Jean-Paul Sartre
Jerome O’Neill
Jesse Berman
Kristina Berster
Kurt Georg Kiesinger
Libya
Maoism
Marighella
Montreal
Nazism
New Left
New York Times
Nicaragua
Noyan
perception management
Petra Schelm
Qaddafi
Quebec
Red Army Faction
rike Meinhof
Ronald Reagan
Sandinistas
Socialist Patients Collective
Stefan Aust
strategic influence
terrorism
Third Reich
Thomas Szasz
U.S. Border Patrol
Vermont
Weather Underground
West Germany
William Kunstler
Yemin
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https://rozsixties.unl.edu/files/original/069d6a1ce02994d4ccfb26718420318a.jpg
d377e61aef4eca72f7ed5df8ff6c8cd4
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
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Posters and Graphic Design
Description
An account of the resource
The movements of the Sixties produced a rich history of political posters and other graphic arts. These posters were hung in political offices, bookstores, bedrooms and in public. The posters collected here include designs related to the anti-war movement, Black Power, women’s liberation, the Yippies, counterculture, the Democratic National Convention in Chicago, anti-imperialism, the Cuban Revolution, environmentalism, Bernie Sanders’ elections for Burlington mayor, anti-communism, the labor movement, corporate inequality, the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, and other topics. Of particular note are a series of posters created by the OSPAAAL, the Organisation in Solidarity with the People of Africa, Asia and Latin America, the main publisher of international solidarity posters in Cuba.
Source
A related resource from which the described resource is derived
Roz Payne
Physical Object
An inanimate, three-dimensional object or substance. Note that digital representations of, or surrogates for, these objects should use Moving Image, Still Image, Text or one of the other types.
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
Uncle Sam needs YOU nigger
Subject
The topic of the resource
Anti-Vietnam War Movement
Description
An account of the resource
This poster was issued by the Harlem Progressive Labor Club, the Harlem branch of the Progressive Labor Party, a Marxist-Leninist organization founded in 1962 out of a split within the Communist Party USA. Some described the organization as Maoist in the late-1960s. The PLP gained a foothold in the anti-Vietnam War movement through its Worker Student Alliance faction, which rivaled the Revolutionary Youth Movement within Students for a Democratic Society. The Harlem chapter initially emerged in response to police violence against African Americans in Harlem and later in opposition to the War in
Vietnam, emphasizing the racial dynamics of the war. This poster reads, "Uncle Sam needs YOU nigger/ Become a member of the world's highest paid black mercenary army!/ Fight for freedom... (in Viet Nam)/ Support White Power - travel to Viet Nam, you might get a medal!/ Receive valuable training in the skills of killing off other oppressed people!/ (Die Nigger Die - you can't die fast enough in the ghettos.)/ So run to your nearest recruiting chamber! (Keep the faith, baby)."
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Harlem Progressive Labor Club
Source
A related resource from which the described resource is derived
Roz Payne
Publisher
An entity responsible for making the resource available
Center for Digital Research in the Humanities, University of Nebraska-Lincoln
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
ca. 1968
Format
The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource
poster
Anti-War
Black Power
California
Chicago
Harlem
Harlem Progressive Labor Club
Illinois
Leninism
Los Angeles
Maoism
Marxism
New York
Progressive Labor Party
Revolutionary Youth Movement
San Francisco
SDS
Students for a Democratic Society
Vietnam War
White Power