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https://rozsixties.unl.edu/files/original/24870b860ce1d3c91c02451a6c041619.png
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Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
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Newsreel Films
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Newsreel Films
Source
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Newsreel Films on YouTube
Publisher
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Center for Digital Research in the Humanities, University of Nebraska-Lincoln
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
ca. 1960s and 1970s
Format
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film
Description
An account of the resource
Roz Payne was involved in Newsreel Films from the group's inception in New York in 1967. Newsreel created a series of short films documenting various aspects of 1960s-era activism. The items in this collection provide links to each of the Newsreel Films that are currently available to view free on the web.
________
Roz Payne offered the following brief reflection on Newsreel Films in 2002:
"In 1967 a group of independent filmmakers, photographers, and media workers formed a collective to make politically relevant films sharing our resources, skills, and equipment. As individuals we had been covering many of the events that we considered news, demonstrations, acts of resistance, and countless inequities and abuses. Sometimes films were made and sometimes not. Most often they were made too late and did not go to the people who could use them best.
We met in a basement in the lower eastside of New York and later at the alternate U, then more basements until we got an office. The only news we saw was on TV and we knew who owned the stations. We decided to make films that would show another side to the news. It was clear to us that the established forms of media were not going to approach those subjects which threaten their very existence.
I was a school teacher in New Jersey who shot photos. My marriage with Arnold Payne, Mr. Muscle Beach Jr. had broken up, I left a little house on the Palisades, overlooking the boats on the Hudson River right over the Spry sign across from 96th Street. I would sit looking at the burning windows of the NYC skyline as the sun set. That fire and the fire from a GI's Zippo lighter on the straw of a Vietnamese hut helped ignite me. I moved to New York City.
Walking down Second Ave and 10th Street with my camera one afternoon Melvin Margolis , a wild looking hippie stopped me and said, ‘Hey, your a photographer and there's a meeting tonight of all the political film people. You have to go. It is very important. Make sure that you go. I'm not kidding.’ I showed up that night, to the first meeting of Newsreel.
About 30 people met weekly to talk about films, equipment, and politics. I think we were great because we came from various political backgrounds and had different interests. We never all agreed on a political line. We broke down into smaller groups to work on the films. The working groups included anti-Vietnam-war, anti-imperialist, high school, students, women, workers, Yippies, Third World, and the infamous sex, drugs and party committee.
We wanted to make two films a month and get 12 prints of each film out to groups across the country. We wanted to spark the creation of similar news-film groups in other major cities of the United States so that they would distribute our films and would cover and shoot the events in their area.
The first film I worked on was the 1968 student take-over of Columbia University. The students had taken over 5 buildings. We had a film team in each building. We were shooting from the inside while the rest of the press were outside. We participated in the political negotiations and discussions. Our cameras were used as weapons as well as recording the events. Melvin had a W.W.II cast iron steel Bell and Howell camera that could take the shock of breaking plate glass windows.
Newsreel worked to expand the awareness of events and situations relevant to shaping the movement. Our films tried to analyze, not just cover; they explored the realities that the media, as part of the system, always ignores.
In 1967 the FBI started the Counter-intelligence program to try to destroy African Americans, especially the Black Panther Party and the New Left. We worked with Third World groups. We produced various films that these groups could use to tell their stories and to use in organizing in their own communities and workplaces, hopefully serving as catalysts for social change.
Newsreel not only made films but we were among the first to distribute films made in Cuba, Vietnam, Africa, and the Middle East.
As Newsreel grew, we spread out, opened offices and distribution centers across the country. We had offices in San Francisco, Detroit, Boston, Kansas, Los Angeles, Vermont, and Atlanta. We made films and distributed our films in the hope that the audiences who saw them would respond to the issues they raised. We wanted people to work with our films as catalysts for political discussions about social change in America and to relate the questions in the films to issues in their own communities.
We had many struggles in Newsreel around class, women, political education, cultural and worker politics, the haves and have nots. It was hard to hold to the correct political line. Little by little the groups changed from film-maker control to worker control, to women control, to third world control. Today, Third World Newsreel is in New York, California Newsreel is in San Francisco, and there is a Vermont Newsreel Archives.
In 1972, myself and others moved to Vermont. We continue to distribute Newsreel films, shoot videos, use computer graphics, and maintain a film, photo, and document archive. With the easy accessibility of video cameras thousands of people are making their own documents to tell the stories of what is happening around them. I am shooting history of retired FBI agents that worked on COINTELPRO against Don Cox, an exiled Black Panther and the white women who helped him. I teach History of the Sixties, Civil Rights Movement, Women, and Mycology at Burlington College."
In 2019, another original Newsreel Film member, Marvin Fishman, remembered a slightly different version of some of the events Roz related above:
“Roz invariably reminded me that it was her chance encounter with me on 14th Street that led to her attending that meeting [rather than Melvin Margolis]. Melvin, Marvin . . . I always nodded in agreement with her when she reminded me of that, but honestly, my memory is vague on that street encounter, though I always accepted it as true because she seemed so certain. I leave open the possibility that she indeed met Melvin earlier in the day, and that our meeting on 14th Street happened later on, when she was searching for the meeting address. But I do remember bringing her upstairs to the Free School, the site of the meeting.”
Fishman went on, “Also omitted [from Roz’s narrative] is the earlier, actual very first meeting, which was held on December 22, 1967, in Jonas Mekas’ Filmmakers Cinematheque. This is the date and place of what I consider the beginning of the collaborative undertaking among filmmakers. More than 30 people attended. Coincidentally, if I remember correctly, this is the date that Universal Newsreel, a service of Hollywood’s Universal Pictures, closed down.
Perhaps more important for Newsreel’s history, is that the narrative on the website does not mention why the meetings at the Cinematheque and then at the Free School were held. That is, what brought all the filmmakers together to that meeting which led to the formation of Newsreel? In fact, the catalyst for that meeting was the Pentagon Demonstration. To omit this fact is to omit the precipitating event, the traumatic historic milestone which led a disparate bunch of filmmakers and others to unite.”
According to filmmaker and activist, Danny Schechter, “Working in decentralized film collectives in several cities, [Newsreel] produced many, many films, mostly shot on 16 mm. Most were in black and white, as gritty and realistic as the subjects they depicted. These were films of civil rights and civil wrongs, of uprisings in communities and on campuses, about the Vietnam War and the war at home against it. They are in some cases angry films, as alienated from the forms of traditional newscasts as anything that has been produced in our country. Some of the films were produced in the spirit of similar work underway in Cuba and Vietnam. Some were American originals - bringing the voices of change and changemakers to the social movements of the era. These films were revolutionary in spirit and commitment.
These are films that deserve to be seen and learned from. They are part of a dissenting tradition of American film-making. They are also a record of the emotions that made the 60's what they were. Some were agit-prop. Some captured important moments of history. Most were populist in spirit - while others were more intellectual but not in the sense of the ‘intellectual property’ everyone talks about today. These film makers did not seek individual credit or promote themselves as Hollywood wanabees - although some did end up making commercial films. They preferred anonymity and a democratic approach to film making that may seem naive in world where production is characterized by craft unions and a star system.”
The UCLA Film & Television Archive adds, “Shunning the professional polish of mainstream productions, Newsreel embraced the aesthetic of raw immediacy that was prevalent in the newly flourishing underground press, rock music, cinema verité and poster art. The student movement (Columbia Revolt), racism (Black Panther) and Vietnam (No Game; People's War) were among the subjects Newsreel addressed. Feminist consciousness-raising efforts were documented in films such as The Woman's Film, produced collectively by women, and Makeout. Films made in association with Newsreel were strongly influenced by the film style of Santiago Alvarez, who headed Cuban newsreel production units after the 1959 revolution. His films, such as L.B.J. and Now omitted narration in favor of collages of found materials, stills, newsreel footage and fragments from speeches.”
Among the items in this collection is also a 7-page journal article, "Newsreel: Film and Revolution," written by Bill Nichols for Cinéaste in 1973. The article provides a different introduction to Newsreel Films. Nichols also completed an M.A. Thesis by the same title at UCLA in Theater Arts in 1972. That thesis runs more than 300-pages and can be found online for those interested in a much more in-depth exploration of the history of Newsreel:
https://billnichols99.files.wordpress.com/2014/05/newsreel-film-and-revolution.pdf
_________
The following is a list of Newsreel films made and/or distributed by the group during the 1960s-era with a brief description after each one written by Roz Payne. It is reprinted from Roz Payne's website:
Amerika
Against the background of the November 1969 Anti-Vietnam War demonstration in Washington DC., footage from all over the world.
1969 - 45 minutes
Army
US. imperialism needs massive military power capable of maintaining its markets overseas and quelling rebellions at home. This film records the training and indoctrination given to G.I.s to produce this force. The men themselves talk about who the army really serves, and the effect the indoctrination has on them, and the beginnings of resistance to the army and against the war.
Off the Pig (Black Panther)
This is one of the first films made about the Panthers. It contains interviews with Party leaders Huey Newton and Eldridge Cleaver describing why the Party was formed and what its goals are. It also includes footage of Panther recruitment, training and the Party's original 10 Point Program laid out by Chairman Bobby Seale.
1968 - 20 minutes
El Caso Contra Lincoln Center
La Renovacion Urban destruyo los hogares de 35,000 familias puertoriquenasde la ciudad de Nueva York para construir Lincoln Center, una vitrina cultural para las clase dominante de la ciudad. La pelicula explica la coneccion entre esta accion cotidiana y es imperlialismo corporativo norteamericano.
12 minutes
To keep the well-to-do from continuing to flee the city and depleting its tax base, city, state, and federal government, and the Rockefellers, Morgans, and Mellons finance the prestigious Lincoln Center for the Performing Arts. It was built in the middle of a Puerto Rican ghetto, displacing thousands of families and a lively street culture. Upper-income families moved into high-rise apartment houses and gourmandise the "humanities," financially inaccessible and culturally irrelevant to the lives of the former residents.
11 minutes
Columbia Revolt
In May 1968, the students of Columbia University went on strike after the administrators repeatedly ignored their demand for open discussion of the university's involvement in racist policies, exploitation of the surrounding community of Harlem. This is the story of our first major student revolt, told from inside the liberated buildings.
1968 - 50 minutes
The Earth Belongs to the People
An analysis of the ecology crisis, this film dispels the myths that big business and big government have been telling the people about the world-wide ecological crisis. Is there really over-population in the world, or is there an unequal distribution of wealth and food? Do people or large industries ruin the environment? Will the earth survive for the people or for corporate profit????
1971 - 10 minutes
Garbage
Bringing the revolution to the Ruling Class, the Up Against the Wall Motherfuckers export garbage from their Lower East Side ghetto to the halls of Lincoln Center for the Performing Arts-all the while, New York was in its longest bitterest sanitation workers strike.
1968 - 10 minutes
High School Rising
High school corridors patrolled by narcotics agents and police, distortion of the history of black, brown, and poor white people, provoked student attacks on the tracking system. Stills, live footage and rock music. (Note: This film is not technically excellent, but it is very useful in understanding the problems occurring in most high schools across the nation today,)
1969 - 15 minutes
Los Siete de la Raza
This film is about the oppression of the Third World community in the Mission district of San Francisco. It deals specifically with seven Latino youths who were recruiting street kids into a college Brown Studies Program. They are accused of killing a plainclothesman. While they become victims of a press and police campaign to "clean-up" the Mission, their defense becomes the foundation of a revolutionary community organization called Los Siete
1969 - 30 minutes.
Available in Spanish and English. Spanish soundtrack is poor quality.
Make Out
The oppressive experience of making-out in a car...from the woman's point of view. Short and sweet. It can be shown a second time with the sound off and the male can make up his own sound track.
1969 - 5 minutes
Up Against the Wall Miss America
A now historical film about the disruption of the Miss America pageant of 1968. With raps, guerrilla theater, and original songs . Women stress the (mis)use of their sisters, by the pageant, as mindless sexual objects. Footage includes Attorney /activist Flo Kennedy.
6 minutes
Richmond Oil Strike
In January, 1969 oil workers in NorthernCalifornia struck. The local police and the Standard Oil goon squads attacked the strikers and their families, killing one and injuring others. The striking students from San Francisco State were asked to join the struggle. For the first time workers and students fight together against their common enemy.
Footage includes speeches of Bob Avakian.
People's Park
In the spring of 1969 , the Berkeley street community initiated a project to transform a barren and unused university-owned Lot into a park for the whole community to enjoy-a People's Park. Because the park threatened the control of the university and presented a challenge to the concept of private property, the police and National Guard were used to brutalize the people and destroy the People's Park.
25 minutes
This film was made by SF Newsreel and was originally rejected as not being political enough. It was too hippie dippy so the beginning five minute rap by Frank Barneke, a Peoples Park politico was added on in the beginning .
Por Primeria Vez (For the First Time)
The Cuban Film Institute sends mobile film units into the rural provinces-young and old delight on seeing movies "for the first time." Modern Times with Charlie Chaplin is shown in a rural village. An enchanting short that leaves you happy and smiling.
10 minutes (Available in Spanish)
Peoples' War
In the summer of 1969, Newsreel went to North Vietnam. From that trip came PEOPLES' WAR. This film moves beyond the perception of the North Vietnamese as victims to a portrait of how the North Vietnamese society is organized. It shows the relationship of the people to their government-how local tasks of a village are coordinated and its needs met. It deals with the reality of a nation that has been at war for twenty-five years, that is not only resisting US aggression and keeping alive under bombing, but that is also struggling to raise its standard of living and to overcome the underdevelopment of centuries of colonial rule. Amid much publicity, the footage was confiscated upon its return to the US. Despite this attempt at suppression, PEOPLE'S WAR has become one of the most sought-after films on Vietnam. Blue ribbon at U.S.A. film festival in Houston, Texas. and the Golden Bear Award, Moscow, USSR
1969 - 40 minutes
R.O.T.C.
The issue of ROTC is uppermost on many college campuses and is a major focus of anti-war activity. In an interview with the head of Harvard ROTC, the University's ties to the military industrial complex and how ROTC serves this relationship is exposed.
1969 - 20 minutes
Seventy-Nine Springs of Ho Chi Minh
This film on the life and death of Ho Chi Minh is a skillfully interwoven blend of old still photographs and Newsreel footage of the DRV's (Democratic Republic of Vietnam) founder, a man whose life spans three revolutions, three continents and three wars. It portrays his life: from militant student to revolutionary lead of this country; and his life-long work dedication to the Vietnamese people and their struggle for liberation. This eulogy was made by Cuba's renowned filmmaker, Santiago Alvarez. Musical soundtrack, Spanish titles. (Note: Understanding of the Spanish titles is not necessary for full enjoyment of the film.)
25 minutes
" . . . one of the most moving political films this reviewer has seen . . ." (Lenny Rubenstein, Cineaste)
She's Beautiful When She's Angry
In a skit presented at an abortion rally in New York City, a beauty contestant is pressured to fulfill certain roles in order to be the "ideal woman", a "winner". The skit shows how women, especially minority women, are used in this society for profit. The women who perform also discuss their personal lives and how their struggle as women is expressed in the skit. ( Note: Soundtrack is sometimes difficult to understand. )
1967 - 17 minutes
Strike City
Plantation workers in Mississippi having gone on strike against the extreme exploitation of the plantation system, and decide to form their own collective Their determination to stick together, rather than go back to the plantation or be forced out of the state, is their main resource. After a bitter winter, living in tents, they obtain partial support from private sources and begin building permanent housing. The poverty program backs down on its promise of support in response to Mississippi senators who fear the implications of collectives of back farmers in Mississippi.
1967 - 30 minutes
Summer '68
Draft resistance organizing in Boston, a Boston organizer's trip to North Vietnam -- a GI. coffeehouse in Texas, Newsreel's take-over of Channel 13 in New York -- following the production of the Rat's special issue on Chicago -- and Chicago during the Democratic Convention, the planning and carriage out of five days of protest. Each section focuses on an organizer central to each project--the attempt is to define the nature of commitment to "the Movement" against a backdrop of 1968's summer activities.
1968 - 60 minutes
BDRG: Boston Draft Resistance Group
This film detailed draft resistance organizing in Boston.
1968 - 15 minutes
Troublemakers
In 1965, a group of white organizers went into Newark's central ward to work with the black community, forming the Newark Community Union Project (NCUP). Traditional forms of protest--letters to city officials, demonstrations, electoral politics--were used as tactics for organizing. The film focuses on the action undertaken around three issues. The first is an attempt to get housing code enforcement; the second, to get a traffic light installed at a hazardous intersection. After many months of hallow promises, and inaction on the part of the city government an attempt was made to elect a third party candidate to the City Council. Lacking the resources of the two major parties, this was doomed to failure too The film is an absorbing, informative documentary of the frustrating failures of NCUP and the problem of getting even modest reform within the present political structure. But it goes beyond this--it shows clearly the contradictions in the concept of white groups organizing in black and other third world communities. A good study in some of the early New Left tactics--how and why they failed.
1966 - 53 minutes
The Woman's Film
The film was made entirely by women in San Francisco Newsreel. It was a collective effort between the women behind the camera and those in front of it. The script itself was written from preliminary interviews with the women in the film. Their participation, their criticism, and approval were sought at various stages of production.
"... What we see is not only natural and spontaneous, it is thoughtful and beautiful. It is a film which immediately evokes the sights and sounds and smells of working class kitchens, neighborhood streets, local supermarkets, factories, cramped living rooms, dinners cooking, diaper-washing, housecleaning, and all the other "points of production" and battlefronts where working class women in America daily confront the realities of their oppression. It is . . . a supremely optimistic statement, showing the sinews of struggle and capturing the essential energy and collective spirit of all working people-and especially that advanced consciousness which working class women bring to the common struggle." (Irwin Silber, Guardian)
1971 - 40 minutes
Yippie
Yippie is filmed farce, juxtaposing the brutal police riot at the 1968 Democratic Convention with the orgy scenes from D.W. Griffith's "Intolerance." A clear and energetic no-verbal statement of Yippie politics Hip jive.
1968 - 15 minutes
Young Puppeteers of South Vietnam
"A gift from the youth of South Vietnam to the youth of America." Teenagers in the NLF liberated areas of South Vietnam make beautiful, intricate puppets from scraps of US. war materials. Armed with these puppets, they travel through the liberated zones performing for the local children while our planes "search and destroy". A poignant film that gives a view of the war even more powerful than images of atrocities. English sound track.
25 minutes
Mayday (Black Panther)
On May 1, 1969 the Black Panther Party held a massive rally in San Francisco. Speakers Kathleen Cleaver, Bobby Seale, and Charles Garry present the rally's demands for the release of Huey Newton and all political prisoners. The film includes footage of the police raid on Panther headquarters in San Francisco a few days prior to the rally and the Panther's Breakfast for Children Program.
1969 - 15 minutes
Only the Beginning
For years the sentiment against the war in Vietnam has been growing. The latest polls show that 73% of the US. population want the troops out of Vietnam now G.I.'s are among the most active protesters against the war. In April, l971, thousands of G.I.'s-Marines and regular army, veterans and active duty personnel came to Washington, DC., to denounce their participation in that "dirty war," and to demand it be ended immediately. The film begins with the demonstration in Washington. In front of the Capitol, we see the veterans come before the crowd and throw their medals away. The film moves to Vietnam where the devastating effects of US. bombs are documented. ONLY THE BEGINNING is about the GI. movement to end the war.
1971 - 20 minutes color
Two Heroic Sisters of the Grassland
A cartoon version of a true story about two young sisters who risked their lives to save their commune's sheep heard during a sudden snowstorm. The film gives us a sense both of the values stressed in the new society, and the people's participation at every level in the transformation of China.
English track 42 minutes
El Pueblo Se Levanta (THE YOUNG LORDS FILM)
One-third of the Puerto Rican people live in the United States. Most have come in search for the better life promised them by US. propaganda. Instead they found slum housing, poor or miseducation, low-paying jobs, and constantly rising unemployment, in a society determined to destroy their cultural identity The film traces the growth of the Puerto Rican struggle by focusing on the development of the Young Lords Party. A Newsreel crew in New York City worked closely with the Lords for a year and a half-participating and recording the events and programs which the Young Lords are using to make significant advances in the Puerto Rican struggle. The film deals with the main problems in the Puerto Rican community-health, education, food, and housing. These problems become the focus of the Young Lords Party.
The Case Against Lincoln Center
Urban renewal removes 35,000 Puerto Rican families from New Your City's upper West Side to build Lincoln Center, a cultural show-case for the city's middle and ruling class. The film discusses the links between the problems of the city, and the forces of American corporate imperialism.
1968 - 12 minutes (available in Spanish)
No Game
October 21, 1967; The pentagon; 100,000 anti-war demonstrators who had not come prepared for a violent confrontation with the military police and Pentagon guards; for the tear gas, and rifle butts.
Considered the first collective Newsreel film. [According to Marvin Fishman, “This film was shot and edited before Newsreel officially came into existence and was then donated to Newsreel to get the newly formed organization’s distribution service off the ground.”]
1967 - 17 minutes
Pig Power
As student take to the streets in New York and Berkeley, the forces of order illustrate Mayor Daley's thesis that the police are there "to preserve disorder", and we must organize to challenge their control and preserve our lives as well as our life styles. A short impressionistic montage of music and images pointing up the disparity between their force and ours. The function of police repressing Black and white demonstrators alike is emphasized.
6 minutes
Community Control
The struggle for Community Control in Black and Puerto Rican communities in New York City. An examination of colonialism as it manifests itself in many American cities. In two so called experimental districts, police are constantly called in to enforce the political decisions of the state and city bureaucracy, and the striking teachers; union. All ofthis taking place against the legitimate demands of the community (Ocean Hill-Brownsville, and East Harlem). Filmed inside some of the schools involved in the conflict; contains interviews with Herman Ferguson, Minister of Education for the Republic of New Africa, and Les Campbell, director of The Afro-American Teachers Association.
50 minutes
Venceremos
A film shot in Cuba in l970-71 about two brigades of 500 Americans that went to Cuba illegally in order to show support by breaking the blockade and to help with the sugar harvest of ten million tons. They cut cane with brigades that were sent from Vietnam, North Korea, and Latin America. This is the story of their boat ride from St. Johns, Canada and their stay in Cuba.
20 minutes
High School
A film about high school students and how school becomes a prison.
20 minutes (muddled, poor editing)
You Don't Have to Buy the War
A speech by former Miss America, Bess Meyerson presented to the group Another Mother for Peace at a gathering in Beverly Hills. One of the strongest speeches ever given about who is making money out of the war in Vietnam. She gives excellent reasons to boycott many everyday products that women buy.
Open for Children
One of the first films ever made about the need for childcare.
Make It Real
This is what Newsreel considered an energy film. It contains great shots of street actions and hot music. These short films were made to show between our longer films that were "more serious" They were made to give youth a feeling that they could get up and become "street fighting men".
8 minutes
McDonnel-Douglas
A film about the McDonnel-Douglas company and its relationship to the war-machine.
Free Farm
A film made by Newsreel folks that went to live in Vermont. A story about a community free farm on land loaned by a small college. It tell the story of coming together to farm the land and to have Sunday community gatherings. The college calls the cops to kick people off the land in the fall before the harvest and local young men trash the farm. An interesting note is that posters are put up warning that a local cop named Paul Lawrence was setting up and beating up people. Ten years later he was busted for planting drugs and was known as the bad cop that went to jail. A true story of hippies with politics.
1971 - 18 minutes
Inciting to Riot
A quick montage flirtation with the idea of rural guerrilla struggle in the US returning repeatedly to the reality of pig power in the cities and space technology. A flashing image of a state of mind common among hip and political youth.
10 minutes
Don't Bank on America
This is the story of one of the first ecological political actions of the period, the burning of the Bank of America. (Newsreel distributed this film?)
Mighty Mouse and Little Eva
This is a 1930's racist cartoon, taking off on Uncles Tom Cabin. Distributed by Newsreel.
8 Minutes
Ice
A film made by Newsreel member Robert Kramer with a production team made up of Newsreel members. A story of a time in the future when the US is at war with Mexico and the Americans are living in a police state. The film includes a kidnapping, a murder, prison break, takeover of an apartment house for political education, sex, nudity, and violence. and much, much more. 150 Minutes
( a new description of this film will be available soon! although this was perhaps the description in an early NR catalogue, we hope to have more background on these old films. how they were made. the process and reflections of those who worked on them )
_________
This collection includes links to each of the Newsreel Films that is currently available to view on the web. If you find that any of the links are broken, please drop a note to the archive manager (see, Contact tab) and let us know!
Moving Image
A series of visual representations imparting an impression of motion when shown in succession. Examples include animations, movies, television programs, videos, zoetropes, or visual output from a simulation.
Original Format
The type of object, such as painting, sculpture, paper, photo, and additional data
newsreel
Duration
Length of time involved (seconds, minutes, hours, days, class periods, etc.)
5:00
Player
HTML Embed code for
<span><iframe width="560" height="315" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/hsu6SiImwJA" frameborder="0" allow="accelerometer; autoplay; encrypted-media; gyroscope; picture-in-picture" allowfullscreen></iframe></span>
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
Pig Power
Subject
The topic of the resource
Police Repression
Description
An account of the resource
"As students take to the streets in New York and Berkeley, the forces of order illustrate Mayor Daley's thesis that the police are there "to preserve disorder", and we must organize to challenge their control and preserve our lives as well as our life styles. A short impressionistic montage of music and images pointing up the disparity between their force and ours. The function of police repressing Black and white demonstrators alike is emphasized. " (Roz Payne Archive)<br /><br /> <iframe width="560" height="315" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/hsu6SiImwJA" frameborder="0" allow="accelerometer; autoplay; encrypted-media; gyroscope; picture-in-picture" allowfullscreen="allowfullscreen"></iframe>
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Newsreel Films
Source
A related resource from which the described resource is derived
YouTube
Publisher
An entity responsible for making the resource available
Center for Digital Research in the Humanities, University of Nebraska-Lincoln
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1968
Format
The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource
film
California
Chicago
Chicago '68
Illinois
New Left
New York
Pigs
police
police repression
San Francisco
-
https://rozsixties.unl.edu/files/original/e7f6208d52bbd30339bf8baa5affd0af.png
04ce1bc00eaef9eb11724b33d86511e1
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
Newsreel Films
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Newsreel Films
Source
A related resource from which the described resource is derived
Newsreel Films on YouTube
Publisher
An entity responsible for making the resource available
Center for Digital Research in the Humanities, University of Nebraska-Lincoln
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
ca. 1960s and 1970s
Format
The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource
film
Description
An account of the resource
Roz Payne was involved in Newsreel Films from the group's inception in New York in 1967. Newsreel created a series of short films documenting various aspects of 1960s-era activism. The items in this collection provide links to each of the Newsreel Films that are currently available to view free on the web.
________
Roz Payne offered the following brief reflection on Newsreel Films in 2002:
"In 1967 a group of independent filmmakers, photographers, and media workers formed a collective to make politically relevant films sharing our resources, skills, and equipment. As individuals we had been covering many of the events that we considered news, demonstrations, acts of resistance, and countless inequities and abuses. Sometimes films were made and sometimes not. Most often they were made too late and did not go to the people who could use them best.
We met in a basement in the lower eastside of New York and later at the alternate U, then more basements until we got an office. The only news we saw was on TV and we knew who owned the stations. We decided to make films that would show another side to the news. It was clear to us that the established forms of media were not going to approach those subjects which threaten their very existence.
I was a school teacher in New Jersey who shot photos. My marriage with Arnold Payne, Mr. Muscle Beach Jr. had broken up, I left a little house on the Palisades, overlooking the boats on the Hudson River right over the Spry sign across from 96th Street. I would sit looking at the burning windows of the NYC skyline as the sun set. That fire and the fire from a GI's Zippo lighter on the straw of a Vietnamese hut helped ignite me. I moved to New York City.
Walking down Second Ave and 10th Street with my camera one afternoon Melvin Margolis , a wild looking hippie stopped me and said, ‘Hey, your a photographer and there's a meeting tonight of all the political film people. You have to go. It is very important. Make sure that you go. I'm not kidding.’ I showed up that night, to the first meeting of Newsreel.
About 30 people met weekly to talk about films, equipment, and politics. I think we were great because we came from various political backgrounds and had different interests. We never all agreed on a political line. We broke down into smaller groups to work on the films. The working groups included anti-Vietnam-war, anti-imperialist, high school, students, women, workers, Yippies, Third World, and the infamous sex, drugs and party committee.
We wanted to make two films a month and get 12 prints of each film out to groups across the country. We wanted to spark the creation of similar news-film groups in other major cities of the United States so that they would distribute our films and would cover and shoot the events in their area.
The first film I worked on was the 1968 student take-over of Columbia University. The students had taken over 5 buildings. We had a film team in each building. We were shooting from the inside while the rest of the press were outside. We participated in the political negotiations and discussions. Our cameras were used as weapons as well as recording the events. Melvin had a W.W.II cast iron steel Bell and Howell camera that could take the shock of breaking plate glass windows.
Newsreel worked to expand the awareness of events and situations relevant to shaping the movement. Our films tried to analyze, not just cover; they explored the realities that the media, as part of the system, always ignores.
In 1967 the FBI started the Counter-intelligence program to try to destroy African Americans, especially the Black Panther Party and the New Left. We worked with Third World groups. We produced various films that these groups could use to tell their stories and to use in organizing in their own communities and workplaces, hopefully serving as catalysts for social change.
Newsreel not only made films but we were among the first to distribute films made in Cuba, Vietnam, Africa, and the Middle East.
As Newsreel grew, we spread out, opened offices and distribution centers across the country. We had offices in San Francisco, Detroit, Boston, Kansas, Los Angeles, Vermont, and Atlanta. We made films and distributed our films in the hope that the audiences who saw them would respond to the issues they raised. We wanted people to work with our films as catalysts for political discussions about social change in America and to relate the questions in the films to issues in their own communities.
We had many struggles in Newsreel around class, women, political education, cultural and worker politics, the haves and have nots. It was hard to hold to the correct political line. Little by little the groups changed from film-maker control to worker control, to women control, to third world control. Today, Third World Newsreel is in New York, California Newsreel is in San Francisco, and there is a Vermont Newsreel Archives.
In 1972, myself and others moved to Vermont. We continue to distribute Newsreel films, shoot videos, use computer graphics, and maintain a film, photo, and document archive. With the easy accessibility of video cameras thousands of people are making their own documents to tell the stories of what is happening around them. I am shooting history of retired FBI agents that worked on COINTELPRO against Don Cox, an exiled Black Panther and the white women who helped him. I teach History of the Sixties, Civil Rights Movement, Women, and Mycology at Burlington College."
In 2019, another original Newsreel Film member, Marvin Fishman, remembered a slightly different version of some of the events Roz related above:
“Roz invariably reminded me that it was her chance encounter with me on 14th Street that led to her attending that meeting [rather than Melvin Margolis]. Melvin, Marvin . . . I always nodded in agreement with her when she reminded me of that, but honestly, my memory is vague on that street encounter, though I always accepted it as true because she seemed so certain. I leave open the possibility that she indeed met Melvin earlier in the day, and that our meeting on 14th Street happened later on, when she was searching for the meeting address. But I do remember bringing her upstairs to the Free School, the site of the meeting.”
Fishman went on, “Also omitted [from Roz’s narrative] is the earlier, actual very first meeting, which was held on December 22, 1967, in Jonas Mekas’ Filmmakers Cinematheque. This is the date and place of what I consider the beginning of the collaborative undertaking among filmmakers. More than 30 people attended. Coincidentally, if I remember correctly, this is the date that Universal Newsreel, a service of Hollywood’s Universal Pictures, closed down.
Perhaps more important for Newsreel’s history, is that the narrative on the website does not mention why the meetings at the Cinematheque and then at the Free School were held. That is, what brought all the filmmakers together to that meeting which led to the formation of Newsreel? In fact, the catalyst for that meeting was the Pentagon Demonstration. To omit this fact is to omit the precipitating event, the traumatic historic milestone which led a disparate bunch of filmmakers and others to unite.”
According to filmmaker and activist, Danny Schechter, “Working in decentralized film collectives in several cities, [Newsreel] produced many, many films, mostly shot on 16 mm. Most were in black and white, as gritty and realistic as the subjects they depicted. These were films of civil rights and civil wrongs, of uprisings in communities and on campuses, about the Vietnam War and the war at home against it. They are in some cases angry films, as alienated from the forms of traditional newscasts as anything that has been produced in our country. Some of the films were produced in the spirit of similar work underway in Cuba and Vietnam. Some were American originals - bringing the voices of change and changemakers to the social movements of the era. These films were revolutionary in spirit and commitment.
These are films that deserve to be seen and learned from. They are part of a dissenting tradition of American film-making. They are also a record of the emotions that made the 60's what they were. Some were agit-prop. Some captured important moments of history. Most were populist in spirit - while others were more intellectual but not in the sense of the ‘intellectual property’ everyone talks about today. These film makers did not seek individual credit or promote themselves as Hollywood wanabees - although some did end up making commercial films. They preferred anonymity and a democratic approach to film making that may seem naive in world where production is characterized by craft unions and a star system.”
The UCLA Film & Television Archive adds, “Shunning the professional polish of mainstream productions, Newsreel embraced the aesthetic of raw immediacy that was prevalent in the newly flourishing underground press, rock music, cinema verité and poster art. The student movement (Columbia Revolt), racism (Black Panther) and Vietnam (No Game; People's War) were among the subjects Newsreel addressed. Feminist consciousness-raising efforts were documented in films such as The Woman's Film, produced collectively by women, and Makeout. Films made in association with Newsreel were strongly influenced by the film style of Santiago Alvarez, who headed Cuban newsreel production units after the 1959 revolution. His films, such as L.B.J. and Now omitted narration in favor of collages of found materials, stills, newsreel footage and fragments from speeches.”
Among the items in this collection is also a 7-page journal article, "Newsreel: Film and Revolution," written by Bill Nichols for Cinéaste in 1973. The article provides a different introduction to Newsreel Films. Nichols also completed an M.A. Thesis by the same title at UCLA in Theater Arts in 1972. That thesis runs more than 300-pages and can be found online for those interested in a much more in-depth exploration of the history of Newsreel:
https://billnichols99.files.wordpress.com/2014/05/newsreel-film-and-revolution.pdf
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The following is a list of Newsreel films made and/or distributed by the group during the 1960s-era with a brief description after each one written by Roz Payne. It is reprinted from Roz Payne's website:
Amerika
Against the background of the November 1969 Anti-Vietnam War demonstration in Washington DC., footage from all over the world.
1969 - 45 minutes
Army
US. imperialism needs massive military power capable of maintaining its markets overseas and quelling rebellions at home. This film records the training and indoctrination given to G.I.s to produce this force. The men themselves talk about who the army really serves, and the effect the indoctrination has on them, and the beginnings of resistance to the army and against the war.
Off the Pig (Black Panther)
This is one of the first films made about the Panthers. It contains interviews with Party leaders Huey Newton and Eldridge Cleaver describing why the Party was formed and what its goals are. It also includes footage of Panther recruitment, training and the Party's original 10 Point Program laid out by Chairman Bobby Seale.
1968 - 20 minutes
El Caso Contra Lincoln Center
La Renovacion Urban destruyo los hogares de 35,000 familias puertoriquenasde la ciudad de Nueva York para construir Lincoln Center, una vitrina cultural para las clase dominante de la ciudad. La pelicula explica la coneccion entre esta accion cotidiana y es imperlialismo corporativo norteamericano.
12 minutes
To keep the well-to-do from continuing to flee the city and depleting its tax base, city, state, and federal government, and the Rockefellers, Morgans, and Mellons finance the prestigious Lincoln Center for the Performing Arts. It was built in the middle of a Puerto Rican ghetto, displacing thousands of families and a lively street culture. Upper-income families moved into high-rise apartment houses and gourmandise the "humanities," financially inaccessible and culturally irrelevant to the lives of the former residents.
11 minutes
Columbia Revolt
In May 1968, the students of Columbia University went on strike after the administrators repeatedly ignored their demand for open discussion of the university's involvement in racist policies, exploitation of the surrounding community of Harlem. This is the story of our first major student revolt, told from inside the liberated buildings.
1968 - 50 minutes
The Earth Belongs to the People
An analysis of the ecology crisis, this film dispels the myths that big business and big government have been telling the people about the world-wide ecological crisis. Is there really over-population in the world, or is there an unequal distribution of wealth and food? Do people or large industries ruin the environment? Will the earth survive for the people or for corporate profit????
1971 - 10 minutes
Garbage
Bringing the revolution to the Ruling Class, the Up Against the Wall Motherfuckers export garbage from their Lower East Side ghetto to the halls of Lincoln Center for the Performing Arts-all the while, New York was in its longest bitterest sanitation workers strike.
1968 - 10 minutes
High School Rising
High school corridors patrolled by narcotics agents and police, distortion of the history of black, brown, and poor white people, provoked student attacks on the tracking system. Stills, live footage and rock music. (Note: This film is not technically excellent, but it is very useful in understanding the problems occurring in most high schools across the nation today,)
1969 - 15 minutes
Los Siete de la Raza
This film is about the oppression of the Third World community in the Mission district of San Francisco. It deals specifically with seven Latino youths who were recruiting street kids into a college Brown Studies Program. They are accused of killing a plainclothesman. While they become victims of a press and police campaign to "clean-up" the Mission, their defense becomes the foundation of a revolutionary community organization called Los Siete
1969 - 30 minutes.
Available in Spanish and English. Spanish soundtrack is poor quality.
Make Out
The oppressive experience of making-out in a car...from the woman's point of view. Short and sweet. It can be shown a second time with the sound off and the male can make up his own sound track.
1969 - 5 minutes
Up Against the Wall Miss America
A now historical film about the disruption of the Miss America pageant of 1968. With raps, guerrilla theater, and original songs . Women stress the (mis)use of their sisters, by the pageant, as mindless sexual objects. Footage includes Attorney /activist Flo Kennedy.
6 minutes
Richmond Oil Strike
In January, 1969 oil workers in NorthernCalifornia struck. The local police and the Standard Oil goon squads attacked the strikers and their families, killing one and injuring others. The striking students from San Francisco State were asked to join the struggle. For the first time workers and students fight together against their common enemy.
Footage includes speeches of Bob Avakian.
People's Park
In the spring of 1969 , the Berkeley street community initiated a project to transform a barren and unused university-owned Lot into a park for the whole community to enjoy-a People's Park. Because the park threatened the control of the university and presented a challenge to the concept of private property, the police and National Guard were used to brutalize the people and destroy the People's Park.
25 minutes
This film was made by SF Newsreel and was originally rejected as not being political enough. It was too hippie dippy so the beginning five minute rap by Frank Barneke, a Peoples Park politico was added on in the beginning .
Por Primeria Vez (For the First Time)
The Cuban Film Institute sends mobile film units into the rural provinces-young and old delight on seeing movies "for the first time." Modern Times with Charlie Chaplin is shown in a rural village. An enchanting short that leaves you happy and smiling.
10 minutes (Available in Spanish)
Peoples' War
In the summer of 1969, Newsreel went to North Vietnam. From that trip came PEOPLES' WAR. This film moves beyond the perception of the North Vietnamese as victims to a portrait of how the North Vietnamese society is organized. It shows the relationship of the people to their government-how local tasks of a village are coordinated and its needs met. It deals with the reality of a nation that has been at war for twenty-five years, that is not only resisting US aggression and keeping alive under bombing, but that is also struggling to raise its standard of living and to overcome the underdevelopment of centuries of colonial rule. Amid much publicity, the footage was confiscated upon its return to the US. Despite this attempt at suppression, PEOPLE'S WAR has become one of the most sought-after films on Vietnam. Blue ribbon at U.S.A. film festival in Houston, Texas. and the Golden Bear Award, Moscow, USSR
1969 - 40 minutes
R.O.T.C.
The issue of ROTC is uppermost on many college campuses and is a major focus of anti-war activity. In an interview with the head of Harvard ROTC, the University's ties to the military industrial complex and how ROTC serves this relationship is exposed.
1969 - 20 minutes
Seventy-Nine Springs of Ho Chi Minh
This film on the life and death of Ho Chi Minh is a skillfully interwoven blend of old still photographs and Newsreel footage of the DRV's (Democratic Republic of Vietnam) founder, a man whose life spans three revolutions, three continents and three wars. It portrays his life: from militant student to revolutionary lead of this country; and his life-long work dedication to the Vietnamese people and their struggle for liberation. This eulogy was made by Cuba's renowned filmmaker, Santiago Alvarez. Musical soundtrack, Spanish titles. (Note: Understanding of the Spanish titles is not necessary for full enjoyment of the film.)
25 minutes
" . . . one of the most moving political films this reviewer has seen . . ." (Lenny Rubenstein, Cineaste)
She's Beautiful When She's Angry
In a skit presented at an abortion rally in New York City, a beauty contestant is pressured to fulfill certain roles in order to be the "ideal woman", a "winner". The skit shows how women, especially minority women, are used in this society for profit. The women who perform also discuss their personal lives and how their struggle as women is expressed in the skit. ( Note: Soundtrack is sometimes difficult to understand. )
1967 - 17 minutes
Strike City
Plantation workers in Mississippi having gone on strike against the extreme exploitation of the plantation system, and decide to form their own collective Their determination to stick together, rather than go back to the plantation or be forced out of the state, is their main resource. After a bitter winter, living in tents, they obtain partial support from private sources and begin building permanent housing. The poverty program backs down on its promise of support in response to Mississippi senators who fear the implications of collectives of back farmers in Mississippi.
1967 - 30 minutes
Summer '68
Draft resistance organizing in Boston, a Boston organizer's trip to North Vietnam -- a GI. coffeehouse in Texas, Newsreel's take-over of Channel 13 in New York -- following the production of the Rat's special issue on Chicago -- and Chicago during the Democratic Convention, the planning and carriage out of five days of protest. Each section focuses on an organizer central to each project--the attempt is to define the nature of commitment to "the Movement" against a backdrop of 1968's summer activities.
1968 - 60 minutes
BDRG: Boston Draft Resistance Group
This film detailed draft resistance organizing in Boston.
1968 - 15 minutes
Troublemakers
In 1965, a group of white organizers went into Newark's central ward to work with the black community, forming the Newark Community Union Project (NCUP). Traditional forms of protest--letters to city officials, demonstrations, electoral politics--were used as tactics for organizing. The film focuses on the action undertaken around three issues. The first is an attempt to get housing code enforcement; the second, to get a traffic light installed at a hazardous intersection. After many months of hallow promises, and inaction on the part of the city government an attempt was made to elect a third party candidate to the City Council. Lacking the resources of the two major parties, this was doomed to failure too The film is an absorbing, informative documentary of the frustrating failures of NCUP and the problem of getting even modest reform within the present political structure. But it goes beyond this--it shows clearly the contradictions in the concept of white groups organizing in black and other third world communities. A good study in some of the early New Left tactics--how and why they failed.
1966 - 53 minutes
The Woman's Film
The film was made entirely by women in San Francisco Newsreel. It was a collective effort between the women behind the camera and those in front of it. The script itself was written from preliminary interviews with the women in the film. Their participation, their criticism, and approval were sought at various stages of production.
"... What we see is not only natural and spontaneous, it is thoughtful and beautiful. It is a film which immediately evokes the sights and sounds and smells of working class kitchens, neighborhood streets, local supermarkets, factories, cramped living rooms, dinners cooking, diaper-washing, housecleaning, and all the other "points of production" and battlefronts where working class women in America daily confront the realities of their oppression. It is . . . a supremely optimistic statement, showing the sinews of struggle and capturing the essential energy and collective spirit of all working people-and especially that advanced consciousness which working class women bring to the common struggle." (Irwin Silber, Guardian)
1971 - 40 minutes
Yippie
Yippie is filmed farce, juxtaposing the brutal police riot at the 1968 Democratic Convention with the orgy scenes from D.W. Griffith's "Intolerance." A clear and energetic no-verbal statement of Yippie politics Hip jive.
1968 - 15 minutes
Young Puppeteers of South Vietnam
"A gift from the youth of South Vietnam to the youth of America." Teenagers in the NLF liberated areas of South Vietnam make beautiful, intricate puppets from scraps of US. war materials. Armed with these puppets, they travel through the liberated zones performing for the local children while our planes "search and destroy". A poignant film that gives a view of the war even more powerful than images of atrocities. English sound track.
25 minutes
Mayday (Black Panther)
On May 1, 1969 the Black Panther Party held a massive rally in San Francisco. Speakers Kathleen Cleaver, Bobby Seale, and Charles Garry present the rally's demands for the release of Huey Newton and all political prisoners. The film includes footage of the police raid on Panther headquarters in San Francisco a few days prior to the rally and the Panther's Breakfast for Children Program.
1969 - 15 minutes
Only the Beginning
For years the sentiment against the war in Vietnam has been growing. The latest polls show that 73% of the US. population want the troops out of Vietnam now G.I.'s are among the most active protesters against the war. In April, l971, thousands of G.I.'s-Marines and regular army, veterans and active duty personnel came to Washington, DC., to denounce their participation in that "dirty war," and to demand it be ended immediately. The film begins with the demonstration in Washington. In front of the Capitol, we see the veterans come before the crowd and throw their medals away. The film moves to Vietnam where the devastating effects of US. bombs are documented. ONLY THE BEGINNING is about the GI. movement to end the war.
1971 - 20 minutes color
Two Heroic Sisters of the Grassland
A cartoon version of a true story about two young sisters who risked their lives to save their commune's sheep heard during a sudden snowstorm. The film gives us a sense both of the values stressed in the new society, and the people's participation at every level in the transformation of China.
English track 42 minutes
El Pueblo Se Levanta (THE YOUNG LORDS FILM)
One-third of the Puerto Rican people live in the United States. Most have come in search for the better life promised them by US. propaganda. Instead they found slum housing, poor or miseducation, low-paying jobs, and constantly rising unemployment, in a society determined to destroy their cultural identity The film traces the growth of the Puerto Rican struggle by focusing on the development of the Young Lords Party. A Newsreel crew in New York City worked closely with the Lords for a year and a half-participating and recording the events and programs which the Young Lords are using to make significant advances in the Puerto Rican struggle. The film deals with the main problems in the Puerto Rican community-health, education, food, and housing. These problems become the focus of the Young Lords Party.
The Case Against Lincoln Center
Urban renewal removes 35,000 Puerto Rican families from New Your City's upper West Side to build Lincoln Center, a cultural show-case for the city's middle and ruling class. The film discusses the links between the problems of the city, and the forces of American corporate imperialism.
1968 - 12 minutes (available in Spanish)
No Game
October 21, 1967; The pentagon; 100,000 anti-war demonstrators who had not come prepared for a violent confrontation with the military police and Pentagon guards; for the tear gas, and rifle butts.
Considered the first collective Newsreel film. [According to Marvin Fishman, “This film was shot and edited before Newsreel officially came into existence and was then donated to Newsreel to get the newly formed organization’s distribution service off the ground.”]
1967 - 17 minutes
Pig Power
As student take to the streets in New York and Berkeley, the forces of order illustrate Mayor Daley's thesis that the police are there "to preserve disorder", and we must organize to challenge their control and preserve our lives as well as our life styles. A short impressionistic montage of music and images pointing up the disparity between their force and ours. The function of police repressing Black and white demonstrators alike is emphasized.
6 minutes
Community Control
The struggle for Community Control in Black and Puerto Rican communities in New York City. An examination of colonialism as it manifests itself in many American cities. In two so called experimental districts, police are constantly called in to enforce the political decisions of the state and city bureaucracy, and the striking teachers; union. All ofthis taking place against the legitimate demands of the community (Ocean Hill-Brownsville, and East Harlem). Filmed inside some of the schools involved in the conflict; contains interviews with Herman Ferguson, Minister of Education for the Republic of New Africa, and Les Campbell, director of The Afro-American Teachers Association.
50 minutes
Venceremos
A film shot in Cuba in l970-71 about two brigades of 500 Americans that went to Cuba illegally in order to show support by breaking the blockade and to help with the sugar harvest of ten million tons. They cut cane with brigades that were sent from Vietnam, North Korea, and Latin America. This is the story of their boat ride from St. Johns, Canada and their stay in Cuba.
20 minutes
High School
A film about high school students and how school becomes a prison.
20 minutes (muddled, poor editing)
You Don't Have to Buy the War
A speech by former Miss America, Bess Meyerson presented to the group Another Mother for Peace at a gathering in Beverly Hills. One of the strongest speeches ever given about who is making money out of the war in Vietnam. She gives excellent reasons to boycott many everyday products that women buy.
Open for Children
One of the first films ever made about the need for childcare.
Make It Real
This is what Newsreel considered an energy film. It contains great shots of street actions and hot music. These short films were made to show between our longer films that were "more serious" They were made to give youth a feeling that they could get up and become "street fighting men".
8 minutes
McDonnel-Douglas
A film about the McDonnel-Douglas company and its relationship to the war-machine.
Free Farm
A film made by Newsreel folks that went to live in Vermont. A story about a community free farm on land loaned by a small college. It tell the story of coming together to farm the land and to have Sunday community gatherings. The college calls the cops to kick people off the land in the fall before the harvest and local young men trash the farm. An interesting note is that posters are put up warning that a local cop named Paul Lawrence was setting up and beating up people. Ten years later he was busted for planting drugs and was known as the bad cop that went to jail. A true story of hippies with politics.
1971 - 18 minutes
Inciting to Riot
A quick montage flirtation with the idea of rural guerrilla struggle in the US returning repeatedly to the reality of pig power in the cities and space technology. A flashing image of a state of mind common among hip and political youth.
10 minutes
Don't Bank on America
This is the story of one of the first ecological political actions of the period, the burning of the Bank of America. (Newsreel distributed this film?)
Mighty Mouse and Little Eva
This is a 1930's racist cartoon, taking off on Uncles Tom Cabin. Distributed by Newsreel.
8 Minutes
Ice
A film made by Newsreel member Robert Kramer with a production team made up of Newsreel members. A story of a time in the future when the US is at war with Mexico and the Americans are living in a police state. The film includes a kidnapping, a murder, prison break, takeover of an apartment house for political education, sex, nudity, and violence. and much, much more. 150 Minutes
( a new description of this film will be available soon! although this was perhaps the description in an early NR catalogue, we hope to have more background on these old films. how they were made. the process and reflections of those who worked on them )
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This collection includes links to each of the Newsreel Films that is currently available to view on the web. If you find that any of the links are broken, please drop a note to the archive manager (see, Contact tab) and let us know!
Moving Image
A series of visual representations imparting an impression of motion when shown in succession. Examples include animations, movies, television programs, videos, zoetropes, or visual output from a simulation.
Original Format
The type of object, such as painting, sculpture, paper, photo, and additional data
newsreel
Duration
Length of time involved (seconds, minutes, hours, days, class periods, etc.)
13:00
Player
HTML Embed code for
<iframe width="560" height="315" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/hsu6SiImwJA" frameborder="0" allow="accelerometer; autoplay; encrypted-media; gyroscope; picture-in-picture" allowfullscreen></iframe>
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
Yippie!
Subject
The topic of the resource
New Left
Description
An account of the resource
"Yippie is filmed farce, juxtaposing the brutal police riot at the 1968 Democratic Convention with the orgy scenes from D.W. Griffith's "Intolerance." A clear and energetic no-verbal statement of Yippie politics Hip jive." (Roz Payne Archive) <iframe width="560" height="315" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/cFSpn_uQjME" frameborder="0" allow="accelerometer; autoplay; encrypted-media; gyroscope; picture-in-picture" allowfullscreen="allowfullscreen"></iframe>
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Newsreel Films
Source
A related resource from which the described resource is derived
YouTube
Publisher
An entity responsible for making the resource available
Center for Digital Research in the Humanities, University of Nebraska-Lincoln
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1968
Format
The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource
film
Anti-War
Chicago '68
counterculture
D.W. Griffith
New Left
police
Police Brutality
police repression
Vietnam War
Yippies
-
https://rozsixties.unl.edu/files/original/cc37c67588a1e67f1709b0750cc2e7f1.png
1c38d62d42fa69cdc320ec713afa474d
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
Newsreel Films
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Newsreel Films
Source
A related resource from which the described resource is derived
Newsreel Films on YouTube
Publisher
An entity responsible for making the resource available
Center for Digital Research in the Humanities, University of Nebraska-Lincoln
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
ca. 1960s and 1970s
Format
The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource
film
Description
An account of the resource
Roz Payne was involved in Newsreel Films from the group's inception in New York in 1967. Newsreel created a series of short films documenting various aspects of 1960s-era activism. The items in this collection provide links to each of the Newsreel Films that are currently available to view free on the web.
________
Roz Payne offered the following brief reflection on Newsreel Films in 2002:
"In 1967 a group of independent filmmakers, photographers, and media workers formed a collective to make politically relevant films sharing our resources, skills, and equipment. As individuals we had been covering many of the events that we considered news, demonstrations, acts of resistance, and countless inequities and abuses. Sometimes films were made and sometimes not. Most often they were made too late and did not go to the people who could use them best.
We met in a basement in the lower eastside of New York and later at the alternate U, then more basements until we got an office. The only news we saw was on TV and we knew who owned the stations. We decided to make films that would show another side to the news. It was clear to us that the established forms of media were not going to approach those subjects which threaten their very existence.
I was a school teacher in New Jersey who shot photos. My marriage with Arnold Payne, Mr. Muscle Beach Jr. had broken up, I left a little house on the Palisades, overlooking the boats on the Hudson River right over the Spry sign across from 96th Street. I would sit looking at the burning windows of the NYC skyline as the sun set. That fire and the fire from a GI's Zippo lighter on the straw of a Vietnamese hut helped ignite me. I moved to New York City.
Walking down Second Ave and 10th Street with my camera one afternoon Melvin Margolis , a wild looking hippie stopped me and said, ‘Hey, your a photographer and there's a meeting tonight of all the political film people. You have to go. It is very important. Make sure that you go. I'm not kidding.’ I showed up that night, to the first meeting of Newsreel.
About 30 people met weekly to talk about films, equipment, and politics. I think we were great because we came from various political backgrounds and had different interests. We never all agreed on a political line. We broke down into smaller groups to work on the films. The working groups included anti-Vietnam-war, anti-imperialist, high school, students, women, workers, Yippies, Third World, and the infamous sex, drugs and party committee.
We wanted to make two films a month and get 12 prints of each film out to groups across the country. We wanted to spark the creation of similar news-film groups in other major cities of the United States so that they would distribute our films and would cover and shoot the events in their area.
The first film I worked on was the 1968 student take-over of Columbia University. The students had taken over 5 buildings. We had a film team in each building. We were shooting from the inside while the rest of the press were outside. We participated in the political negotiations and discussions. Our cameras were used as weapons as well as recording the events. Melvin had a W.W.II cast iron steel Bell and Howell camera that could take the shock of breaking plate glass windows.
Newsreel worked to expand the awareness of events and situations relevant to shaping the movement. Our films tried to analyze, not just cover; they explored the realities that the media, as part of the system, always ignores.
In 1967 the FBI started the Counter-intelligence program to try to destroy African Americans, especially the Black Panther Party and the New Left. We worked with Third World groups. We produced various films that these groups could use to tell their stories and to use in organizing in their own communities and workplaces, hopefully serving as catalysts for social change.
Newsreel not only made films but we were among the first to distribute films made in Cuba, Vietnam, Africa, and the Middle East.
As Newsreel grew, we spread out, opened offices and distribution centers across the country. We had offices in San Francisco, Detroit, Boston, Kansas, Los Angeles, Vermont, and Atlanta. We made films and distributed our films in the hope that the audiences who saw them would respond to the issues they raised. We wanted people to work with our films as catalysts for political discussions about social change in America and to relate the questions in the films to issues in their own communities.
We had many struggles in Newsreel around class, women, political education, cultural and worker politics, the haves and have nots. It was hard to hold to the correct political line. Little by little the groups changed from film-maker control to worker control, to women control, to third world control. Today, Third World Newsreel is in New York, California Newsreel is in San Francisco, and there is a Vermont Newsreel Archives.
In 1972, myself and others moved to Vermont. We continue to distribute Newsreel films, shoot videos, use computer graphics, and maintain a film, photo, and document archive. With the easy accessibility of video cameras thousands of people are making their own documents to tell the stories of what is happening around them. I am shooting history of retired FBI agents that worked on COINTELPRO against Don Cox, an exiled Black Panther and the white women who helped him. I teach History of the Sixties, Civil Rights Movement, Women, and Mycology at Burlington College."
In 2019, another original Newsreel Film member, Marvin Fishman, remembered a slightly different version of some of the events Roz related above:
“Roz invariably reminded me that it was her chance encounter with me on 14th Street that led to her attending that meeting [rather than Melvin Margolis]. Melvin, Marvin . . . I always nodded in agreement with her when she reminded me of that, but honestly, my memory is vague on that street encounter, though I always accepted it as true because she seemed so certain. I leave open the possibility that she indeed met Melvin earlier in the day, and that our meeting on 14th Street happened later on, when she was searching for the meeting address. But I do remember bringing her upstairs to the Free School, the site of the meeting.”
Fishman went on, “Also omitted [from Roz’s narrative] is the earlier, actual very first meeting, which was held on December 22, 1967, in Jonas Mekas’ Filmmakers Cinematheque. This is the date and place of what I consider the beginning of the collaborative undertaking among filmmakers. More than 30 people attended. Coincidentally, if I remember correctly, this is the date that Universal Newsreel, a service of Hollywood’s Universal Pictures, closed down.
Perhaps more important for Newsreel’s history, is that the narrative on the website does not mention why the meetings at the Cinematheque and then at the Free School were held. That is, what brought all the filmmakers together to that meeting which led to the formation of Newsreel? In fact, the catalyst for that meeting was the Pentagon Demonstration. To omit this fact is to omit the precipitating event, the traumatic historic milestone which led a disparate bunch of filmmakers and others to unite.”
According to filmmaker and activist, Danny Schechter, “Working in decentralized film collectives in several cities, [Newsreel] produced many, many films, mostly shot on 16 mm. Most were in black and white, as gritty and realistic as the subjects they depicted. These were films of civil rights and civil wrongs, of uprisings in communities and on campuses, about the Vietnam War and the war at home against it. They are in some cases angry films, as alienated from the forms of traditional newscasts as anything that has been produced in our country. Some of the films were produced in the spirit of similar work underway in Cuba and Vietnam. Some were American originals - bringing the voices of change and changemakers to the social movements of the era. These films were revolutionary in spirit and commitment.
These are films that deserve to be seen and learned from. They are part of a dissenting tradition of American film-making. They are also a record of the emotions that made the 60's what they were. Some were agit-prop. Some captured important moments of history. Most were populist in spirit - while others were more intellectual but not in the sense of the ‘intellectual property’ everyone talks about today. These film makers did not seek individual credit or promote themselves as Hollywood wanabees - although some did end up making commercial films. They preferred anonymity and a democratic approach to film making that may seem naive in world where production is characterized by craft unions and a star system.”
The UCLA Film & Television Archive adds, “Shunning the professional polish of mainstream productions, Newsreel embraced the aesthetic of raw immediacy that was prevalent in the newly flourishing underground press, rock music, cinema verité and poster art. The student movement (Columbia Revolt), racism (Black Panther) and Vietnam (No Game; People's War) were among the subjects Newsreel addressed. Feminist consciousness-raising efforts were documented in films such as The Woman's Film, produced collectively by women, and Makeout. Films made in association with Newsreel were strongly influenced by the film style of Santiago Alvarez, who headed Cuban newsreel production units after the 1959 revolution. His films, such as L.B.J. and Now omitted narration in favor of collages of found materials, stills, newsreel footage and fragments from speeches.”
Among the items in this collection is also a 7-page journal article, "Newsreel: Film and Revolution," written by Bill Nichols for Cinéaste in 1973. The article provides a different introduction to Newsreel Films. Nichols also completed an M.A. Thesis by the same title at UCLA in Theater Arts in 1972. That thesis runs more than 300-pages and can be found online for those interested in a much more in-depth exploration of the history of Newsreel:
https://billnichols99.files.wordpress.com/2014/05/newsreel-film-and-revolution.pdf
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The following is a list of Newsreel films made and/or distributed by the group during the 1960s-era with a brief description after each one written by Roz Payne. It is reprinted from Roz Payne's website:
Amerika
Against the background of the November 1969 Anti-Vietnam War demonstration in Washington DC., footage from all over the world.
1969 - 45 minutes
Army
US. imperialism needs massive military power capable of maintaining its markets overseas and quelling rebellions at home. This film records the training and indoctrination given to G.I.s to produce this force. The men themselves talk about who the army really serves, and the effect the indoctrination has on them, and the beginnings of resistance to the army and against the war.
Off the Pig (Black Panther)
This is one of the first films made about the Panthers. It contains interviews with Party leaders Huey Newton and Eldridge Cleaver describing why the Party was formed and what its goals are. It also includes footage of Panther recruitment, training and the Party's original 10 Point Program laid out by Chairman Bobby Seale.
1968 - 20 minutes
El Caso Contra Lincoln Center
La Renovacion Urban destruyo los hogares de 35,000 familias puertoriquenasde la ciudad de Nueva York para construir Lincoln Center, una vitrina cultural para las clase dominante de la ciudad. La pelicula explica la coneccion entre esta accion cotidiana y es imperlialismo corporativo norteamericano.
12 minutes
To keep the well-to-do from continuing to flee the city and depleting its tax base, city, state, and federal government, and the Rockefellers, Morgans, and Mellons finance the prestigious Lincoln Center for the Performing Arts. It was built in the middle of a Puerto Rican ghetto, displacing thousands of families and a lively street culture. Upper-income families moved into high-rise apartment houses and gourmandise the "humanities," financially inaccessible and culturally irrelevant to the lives of the former residents.
11 minutes
Columbia Revolt
In May 1968, the students of Columbia University went on strike after the administrators repeatedly ignored their demand for open discussion of the university's involvement in racist policies, exploitation of the surrounding community of Harlem. This is the story of our first major student revolt, told from inside the liberated buildings.
1968 - 50 minutes
The Earth Belongs to the People
An analysis of the ecology crisis, this film dispels the myths that big business and big government have been telling the people about the world-wide ecological crisis. Is there really over-population in the world, or is there an unequal distribution of wealth and food? Do people or large industries ruin the environment? Will the earth survive for the people or for corporate profit????
1971 - 10 minutes
Garbage
Bringing the revolution to the Ruling Class, the Up Against the Wall Motherfuckers export garbage from their Lower East Side ghetto to the halls of Lincoln Center for the Performing Arts-all the while, New York was in its longest bitterest sanitation workers strike.
1968 - 10 minutes
High School Rising
High school corridors patrolled by narcotics agents and police, distortion of the history of black, brown, and poor white people, provoked student attacks on the tracking system. Stills, live footage and rock music. (Note: This film is not technically excellent, but it is very useful in understanding the problems occurring in most high schools across the nation today,)
1969 - 15 minutes
Los Siete de la Raza
This film is about the oppression of the Third World community in the Mission district of San Francisco. It deals specifically with seven Latino youths who were recruiting street kids into a college Brown Studies Program. They are accused of killing a plainclothesman. While they become victims of a press and police campaign to "clean-up" the Mission, their defense becomes the foundation of a revolutionary community organization called Los Siete
1969 - 30 minutes.
Available in Spanish and English. Spanish soundtrack is poor quality.
Make Out
The oppressive experience of making-out in a car...from the woman's point of view. Short and sweet. It can be shown a second time with the sound off and the male can make up his own sound track.
1969 - 5 minutes
Up Against the Wall Miss America
A now historical film about the disruption of the Miss America pageant of 1968. With raps, guerrilla theater, and original songs . Women stress the (mis)use of their sisters, by the pageant, as mindless sexual objects. Footage includes Attorney /activist Flo Kennedy.
6 minutes
Richmond Oil Strike
In January, 1969 oil workers in NorthernCalifornia struck. The local police and the Standard Oil goon squads attacked the strikers and their families, killing one and injuring others. The striking students from San Francisco State were asked to join the struggle. For the first time workers and students fight together against their common enemy.
Footage includes speeches of Bob Avakian.
People's Park
In the spring of 1969 , the Berkeley street community initiated a project to transform a barren and unused university-owned Lot into a park for the whole community to enjoy-a People's Park. Because the park threatened the control of the university and presented a challenge to the concept of private property, the police and National Guard were used to brutalize the people and destroy the People's Park.
25 minutes
This film was made by SF Newsreel and was originally rejected as not being political enough. It was too hippie dippy so the beginning five minute rap by Frank Barneke, a Peoples Park politico was added on in the beginning .
Por Primeria Vez (For the First Time)
The Cuban Film Institute sends mobile film units into the rural provinces-young and old delight on seeing movies "for the first time." Modern Times with Charlie Chaplin is shown in a rural village. An enchanting short that leaves you happy and smiling.
10 minutes (Available in Spanish)
Peoples' War
In the summer of 1969, Newsreel went to North Vietnam. From that trip came PEOPLES' WAR. This film moves beyond the perception of the North Vietnamese as victims to a portrait of how the North Vietnamese society is organized. It shows the relationship of the people to their government-how local tasks of a village are coordinated and its needs met. It deals with the reality of a nation that has been at war for twenty-five years, that is not only resisting US aggression and keeping alive under bombing, but that is also struggling to raise its standard of living and to overcome the underdevelopment of centuries of colonial rule. Amid much publicity, the footage was confiscated upon its return to the US. Despite this attempt at suppression, PEOPLE'S WAR has become one of the most sought-after films on Vietnam. Blue ribbon at U.S.A. film festival in Houston, Texas. and the Golden Bear Award, Moscow, USSR
1969 - 40 minutes
R.O.T.C.
The issue of ROTC is uppermost on many college campuses and is a major focus of anti-war activity. In an interview with the head of Harvard ROTC, the University's ties to the military industrial complex and how ROTC serves this relationship is exposed.
1969 - 20 minutes
Seventy-Nine Springs of Ho Chi Minh
This film on the life and death of Ho Chi Minh is a skillfully interwoven blend of old still photographs and Newsreel footage of the DRV's (Democratic Republic of Vietnam) founder, a man whose life spans three revolutions, three continents and three wars. It portrays his life: from militant student to revolutionary lead of this country; and his life-long work dedication to the Vietnamese people and their struggle for liberation. This eulogy was made by Cuba's renowned filmmaker, Santiago Alvarez. Musical soundtrack, Spanish titles. (Note: Understanding of the Spanish titles is not necessary for full enjoyment of the film.)
25 minutes
" . . . one of the most moving political films this reviewer has seen . . ." (Lenny Rubenstein, Cineaste)
She's Beautiful When She's Angry
In a skit presented at an abortion rally in New York City, a beauty contestant is pressured to fulfill certain roles in order to be the "ideal woman", a "winner". The skit shows how women, especially minority women, are used in this society for profit. The women who perform also discuss their personal lives and how their struggle as women is expressed in the skit. ( Note: Soundtrack is sometimes difficult to understand. )
1967 - 17 minutes
Strike City
Plantation workers in Mississippi having gone on strike against the extreme exploitation of the plantation system, and decide to form their own collective Their determination to stick together, rather than go back to the plantation or be forced out of the state, is their main resource. After a bitter winter, living in tents, they obtain partial support from private sources and begin building permanent housing. The poverty program backs down on its promise of support in response to Mississippi senators who fear the implications of collectives of back farmers in Mississippi.
1967 - 30 minutes
Summer '68
Draft resistance organizing in Boston, a Boston organizer's trip to North Vietnam -- a GI. coffeehouse in Texas, Newsreel's take-over of Channel 13 in New York -- following the production of the Rat's special issue on Chicago -- and Chicago during the Democratic Convention, the planning and carriage out of five days of protest. Each section focuses on an organizer central to each project--the attempt is to define the nature of commitment to "the Movement" against a backdrop of 1968's summer activities.
1968 - 60 minutes
BDRG: Boston Draft Resistance Group
This film detailed draft resistance organizing in Boston.
1968 - 15 minutes
Troublemakers
In 1965, a group of white organizers went into Newark's central ward to work with the black community, forming the Newark Community Union Project (NCUP). Traditional forms of protest--letters to city officials, demonstrations, electoral politics--were used as tactics for organizing. The film focuses on the action undertaken around three issues. The first is an attempt to get housing code enforcement; the second, to get a traffic light installed at a hazardous intersection. After many months of hallow promises, and inaction on the part of the city government an attempt was made to elect a third party candidate to the City Council. Lacking the resources of the two major parties, this was doomed to failure too The film is an absorbing, informative documentary of the frustrating failures of NCUP and the problem of getting even modest reform within the present political structure. But it goes beyond this--it shows clearly the contradictions in the concept of white groups organizing in black and other third world communities. A good study in some of the early New Left tactics--how and why they failed.
1966 - 53 minutes
The Woman's Film
The film was made entirely by women in San Francisco Newsreel. It was a collective effort between the women behind the camera and those in front of it. The script itself was written from preliminary interviews with the women in the film. Their participation, their criticism, and approval were sought at various stages of production.
"... What we see is not only natural and spontaneous, it is thoughtful and beautiful. It is a film which immediately evokes the sights and sounds and smells of working class kitchens, neighborhood streets, local supermarkets, factories, cramped living rooms, dinners cooking, diaper-washing, housecleaning, and all the other "points of production" and battlefronts where working class women in America daily confront the realities of their oppression. It is . . . a supremely optimistic statement, showing the sinews of struggle and capturing the essential energy and collective spirit of all working people-and especially that advanced consciousness which working class women bring to the common struggle." (Irwin Silber, Guardian)
1971 - 40 minutes
Yippie
Yippie is filmed farce, juxtaposing the brutal police riot at the 1968 Democratic Convention with the orgy scenes from D.W. Griffith's "Intolerance." A clear and energetic no-verbal statement of Yippie politics Hip jive.
1968 - 15 minutes
Young Puppeteers of South Vietnam
"A gift from the youth of South Vietnam to the youth of America." Teenagers in the NLF liberated areas of South Vietnam make beautiful, intricate puppets from scraps of US. war materials. Armed with these puppets, they travel through the liberated zones performing for the local children while our planes "search and destroy". A poignant film that gives a view of the war even more powerful than images of atrocities. English sound track.
25 minutes
Mayday (Black Panther)
On May 1, 1969 the Black Panther Party held a massive rally in San Francisco. Speakers Kathleen Cleaver, Bobby Seale, and Charles Garry present the rally's demands for the release of Huey Newton and all political prisoners. The film includes footage of the police raid on Panther headquarters in San Francisco a few days prior to the rally and the Panther's Breakfast for Children Program.
1969 - 15 minutes
Only the Beginning
For years the sentiment against the war in Vietnam has been growing. The latest polls show that 73% of the US. population want the troops out of Vietnam now G.I.'s are among the most active protesters against the war. In April, l971, thousands of G.I.'s-Marines and regular army, veterans and active duty personnel came to Washington, DC., to denounce their participation in that "dirty war," and to demand it be ended immediately. The film begins with the demonstration in Washington. In front of the Capitol, we see the veterans come before the crowd and throw their medals away. The film moves to Vietnam where the devastating effects of US. bombs are documented. ONLY THE BEGINNING is about the GI. movement to end the war.
1971 - 20 minutes color
Two Heroic Sisters of the Grassland
A cartoon version of a true story about two young sisters who risked their lives to save their commune's sheep heard during a sudden snowstorm. The film gives us a sense both of the values stressed in the new society, and the people's participation at every level in the transformation of China.
English track 42 minutes
El Pueblo Se Levanta (THE YOUNG LORDS FILM)
One-third of the Puerto Rican people live in the United States. Most have come in search for the better life promised them by US. propaganda. Instead they found slum housing, poor or miseducation, low-paying jobs, and constantly rising unemployment, in a society determined to destroy their cultural identity The film traces the growth of the Puerto Rican struggle by focusing on the development of the Young Lords Party. A Newsreel crew in New York City worked closely with the Lords for a year and a half-participating and recording the events and programs which the Young Lords are using to make significant advances in the Puerto Rican struggle. The film deals with the main problems in the Puerto Rican community-health, education, food, and housing. These problems become the focus of the Young Lords Party.
The Case Against Lincoln Center
Urban renewal removes 35,000 Puerto Rican families from New Your City's upper West Side to build Lincoln Center, a cultural show-case for the city's middle and ruling class. The film discusses the links between the problems of the city, and the forces of American corporate imperialism.
1968 - 12 minutes (available in Spanish)
No Game
October 21, 1967; The pentagon; 100,000 anti-war demonstrators who had not come prepared for a violent confrontation with the military police and Pentagon guards; for the tear gas, and rifle butts.
Considered the first collective Newsreel film. [According to Marvin Fishman, “This film was shot and edited before Newsreel officially came into existence and was then donated to Newsreel to get the newly formed organization’s distribution service off the ground.”]
1967 - 17 minutes
Pig Power
As student take to the streets in New York and Berkeley, the forces of order illustrate Mayor Daley's thesis that the police are there "to preserve disorder", and we must organize to challenge their control and preserve our lives as well as our life styles. A short impressionistic montage of music and images pointing up the disparity between their force and ours. The function of police repressing Black and white demonstrators alike is emphasized.
6 minutes
Community Control
The struggle for Community Control in Black and Puerto Rican communities in New York City. An examination of colonialism as it manifests itself in many American cities. In two so called experimental districts, police are constantly called in to enforce the political decisions of the state and city bureaucracy, and the striking teachers; union. All ofthis taking place against the legitimate demands of the community (Ocean Hill-Brownsville, and East Harlem). Filmed inside some of the schools involved in the conflict; contains interviews with Herman Ferguson, Minister of Education for the Republic of New Africa, and Les Campbell, director of The Afro-American Teachers Association.
50 minutes
Venceremos
A film shot in Cuba in l970-71 about two brigades of 500 Americans that went to Cuba illegally in order to show support by breaking the blockade and to help with the sugar harvest of ten million tons. They cut cane with brigades that were sent from Vietnam, North Korea, and Latin America. This is the story of their boat ride from St. Johns, Canada and their stay in Cuba.
20 minutes
High School
A film about high school students and how school becomes a prison.
20 minutes (muddled, poor editing)
You Don't Have to Buy the War
A speech by former Miss America, Bess Meyerson presented to the group Another Mother for Peace at a gathering in Beverly Hills. One of the strongest speeches ever given about who is making money out of the war in Vietnam. She gives excellent reasons to boycott many everyday products that women buy.
Open for Children
One of the first films ever made about the need for childcare.
Make It Real
This is what Newsreel considered an energy film. It contains great shots of street actions and hot music. These short films were made to show between our longer films that were "more serious" They were made to give youth a feeling that they could get up and become "street fighting men".
8 minutes
McDonnel-Douglas
A film about the McDonnel-Douglas company and its relationship to the war-machine.
Free Farm
A film made by Newsreel folks that went to live in Vermont. A story about a community free farm on land loaned by a small college. It tell the story of coming together to farm the land and to have Sunday community gatherings. The college calls the cops to kick people off the land in the fall before the harvest and local young men trash the farm. An interesting note is that posters are put up warning that a local cop named Paul Lawrence was setting up and beating up people. Ten years later he was busted for planting drugs and was known as the bad cop that went to jail. A true story of hippies with politics.
1971 - 18 minutes
Inciting to Riot
A quick montage flirtation with the idea of rural guerrilla struggle in the US returning repeatedly to the reality of pig power in the cities and space technology. A flashing image of a state of mind common among hip and political youth.
10 minutes
Don't Bank on America
This is the story of one of the first ecological political actions of the period, the burning of the Bank of America. (Newsreel distributed this film?)
Mighty Mouse and Little Eva
This is a 1930's racist cartoon, taking off on Uncles Tom Cabin. Distributed by Newsreel.
8 Minutes
Ice
A film made by Newsreel member Robert Kramer with a production team made up of Newsreel members. A story of a time in the future when the US is at war with Mexico and the Americans are living in a police state. The film includes a kidnapping, a murder, prison break, takeover of an apartment house for political education, sex, nudity, and violence. and much, much more. 150 Minutes
( a new description of this film will be available soon! although this was perhaps the description in an early NR catalogue, we hope to have more background on these old films. how they were made. the process and reflections of those who worked on them )
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This collection includes links to each of the Newsreel Films that is currently available to view on the web. If you find that any of the links are broken, please drop a note to the archive manager (see, Contact tab) and let us know!
Moving Image
A series of visual representations imparting an impression of motion when shown in succession. Examples include animations, movies, television programs, videos, zoetropes, or visual output from a simulation.
Original Format
The type of object, such as painting, sculpture, paper, photo, and additional data
newsreel
Duration
Length of time involved (seconds, minutes, hours, days, class periods, etc.)
56:30
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
Summer '68
Subject
The topic of the resource
Anti-Vietnam War Movement
Description
An account of the resource
"Draft resistance organizing in Boston, a Boston organizer's trip to North Vietnam -- a G.I. coffeehouse in Texas, Newsreel's take over of Channel 13 in New York -- following the production of the Rat's special issue on Chicago -- and Chicago during the Democratic Convention, the planning and carriage out of five days of protest. Each section focuses on an organizer central to each project -- the attempt is to define the nature of commitment to "the Movement" against a backdrop of 1968's summer activities." (Roz Payne Archive) <iframe width="640" height="470" src="https://player.vimeo.com/video/112328836" frameborder="0" webkitallowfullscreen="webkitallowfullscreen" mozallowfullscreen="mozallowfullscreen" allowfullscreen="allowfullscreen"></iframe>
<p><a href="https://vimeo.com/112328836">SUMMER'68 - Newsreel</a> from <a href="https://vimeo.com/user2384966">john douglas</a> on <a href="https://vimeo.com">Vimeo</a>.</p>
Creator
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Newsreel Films
Source
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Vimeo
Publisher
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Center for Digital Research in the Humanities, University of Nebraska-Lincoln
Date
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1968
Format
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film
Anti-War
Boston
Chicago
Chicago '68
Draft Resistance
G.I. Coffeehouse
Massachusetts
New Left
New York
North Vietnam
Rat Subterranean News
Texas
Vietnam War
-
https://rozsixties.unl.edu/files/original/39dd0c5c26e3e7308716735168595a08.jpg
45130bf3388ff5a79668594a43099422
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
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Buttons
Description
An account of the resource
Buttons were one of the most popular and pervasive forms of political messaging during the 1960s, combining brief messaging and memorable graphic designs. Buttons were inexpensive to produce on a mass basis and easy to distribute. They afforded any individual an opportunity to voice their opinions and, potentially, reach a broad audience. As Hunter Oatman-Stanford has written, “From discreet lapel pins to oversized buttons on purses or backpacks, pinbacks invite conversation by declaring potentially controversial viewpoints to complete strangers.” In this way, buttons were (and still are) a particularly democratic form of political propaganda.
As button collector, John Aisthorpe, has put it, buttons offer “a little snapshot of history.” During the 1960s, buttons were vital to the visual identity of a range of movements. “There were many protest groups who put their views on buttons,” Aisthorpe recalls, “from the early ’60s with the Free Speech Movement (FSM) to the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC), Students for a Democratic Society (SDS) and, later, the Veterans for Peace, the Fifth Avenue Vietnam Peace Parade Committee, and the Yippies.” The political impact of buttons in the 1960s is hard to gauge, though their popularity suggests some modicum of significance. And, as Aisthorpe has asserted, “It’s hard to say what impact they had, but the text of buttons worn at protests were often used as antiwar chants, like ‘Hell no, we won’t go!’… They must have had some effect.” The buttons of the 1960s have remained some of the most enduring relics from this important past.
This collection includes buttons from a wide array of movements from the Sixties, including the student movement, civil rights and Black Power movements, women's liberation, environmentalism, the anti-nuclear movement, gay liberation, electoral politics, the Chicano movement, the labor movement and the counterculture, with a strong emphasis on the anti-war movement. In addition, a few buttons date from Roz Payne’s activist efforts in the 1970s and 1980s, including the early political campaigns of Vermont politician, Bernie Sanders.
Physical Object
An inanimate, three-dimensional object or substance. Note that digital representations of, or surrogates for, these objects should use Moving Image, Still Image, Text or one of the other types.
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
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No More Bullshit
Subject
The topic of the resource
Electoral Politics
Creator
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unknown
Source
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Roz Payne
Publisher
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Center for Digital Research in the Humanities, University of Nebraska-Lincoln
Date
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1969
Format
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button
Description
An account of the resource
In 1969, at the prompting of feminist leader, Gloria Steinam, author, cultural critic and activist, Norman Mailer, made an outsider bid for mayor of New York City. His campaign ran as a ticket with Jimmy Breslin, the raucous New York Daily News journalist who was seeking to become the President of the New York City Council. At the time, New York was facing a growing list of problems, including rising crime rates, increasing poverty and deindustrialization, middle-class suburban flight, congestion, pollution and political stagnation. In response, Mailer, whose campaign slogans were “No More Bullshit” and “Throw the Rascals In,” set out an outlandishly bold set of initiatives. His primary proposal was the “51st State” plan, a scheme whereby the five boroughs of New York would secede from the rest of the state in a bid to secure more independence, greater political representation, resources and power. Once independent, Mailer envisioned a radically decentralized political order with the city “splintering into townships and neighborhoods, with their own school systems, police departments, housing programs, and governing philosophies." In addition, he advocated a ban on private cars in Manhattan, replacing them with cabs and a monorail system that would circle the island; a citywide free bicycle rental program; and policies that would eliminate pollution, reduce taxes, and establish full autonomy for public schools. According to campaign literature, at the collegiate level, the campaign promoted “vest-pocket campuses built by students in abandoned buildings” that would restore “a sense of personal involvement that is lost in the large university campuses.” In perhaps his most utopian proposal, Mailer urged the creation of “Sweet Sundays,” which would mandate, once a month, that all mechanical transportation stop and elevators close down so that New Yorkers could decompress from their hectic urban lives and avoid breathing exhaust fumes.
Campaign events were often chaotic. At one, Mailer quipped, "The difference between me and the other candidates is that I'm no good and I can prove it." At another, he called his own supporters “spoiled pigs.” After learning that bars would be closed on election day, Jimmy Breslin complained, “I am mortified to have taken part in a process that required bars to be closed.”
Many New Left activists and libertarians supported the Mailer-Breslin ticket. The Black Panther Party also endorsed the duo after they backed the release of Panther leader, Huey Newton. To some, the campaign was a lark, to other a serious challenge to the established order, and to others an outright offense.
In the end, Mailer finished in fourth place during the Democratic mayoral primary, edging out state Assemblyman, Charles B. Rangel, who would go on to be elected to Congress in 1970 and remain in office until 2017. Even in defeat, though, Mailer’s campaign was seen by many leftists and libertarians as an important attempt to move from the realm of ideas into programmatic politics.
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Norman Mailer first gained fame in 1948 with the publication of his now-classic war novel, The Naked and the Dead, which was based in part on his own WWII experiences. In 1955, he was a part of a small group that established The Village Voice, an influential alternative newspaper located in Greenwich Village, which continued publication until 2018. Also an influential essayist, Mailer published “The White Negro” in Dissent in 1957, a controversial analysis of the “hipster” in post-war American culture.
Mailer became a ubiquitous cultural figure in the 1960s. In 1960, he published "Superman Comes to the Supermarket," an essay in Esquire on the rise of John F. Kennedy at the Democratic National Convention. He continued to see JFK as an “existential hero” for a new era. That same year, Mailer was convicted of assault for the stabbing of his wife, Adele, and served three years of probation. Mailer was also one of 29 prominent Americans who co-founded the Fair Play for Cuba Committee, which opposed the hardline anti-Castro stance of U.S. politicians and military leaders during the early-1960s. The group achieved widespread infamy in 1963, when it became public news that Kennedy assassin, Lee Harvey Oswald, was a member. In 1967, Mailer made a mark with the best-selling political book, Why Are We in Vietnam? and played an ongoing role in the anti-war movement, including signing the 1968 “Writers and Editors War Tax Protest,” a pledge to withhold tax payments to the U.S. government as opposition to the U.S. war in Vietnam. Again that year, Mailer covered the turbulent Democratic and Republican National Conventions, work that he later published as, Miami and the Siege of Chicago (1968). In that book, Mailer portrays American politics cynically as a crass and self-interested exchange of political power. Reflecting back later on the party politics of the 1960s-era, Mailer wrote, "If you played for a team, you did your best to play very well, but there was something obscene… with starting to think there was more moral worth to Michigan than Ohio State." To Mailer, there was little difference between the disgraced Richard Nixon who left the White House after the Watergate scandal and Lyndon Johnson, whose liberal Great Society was derailed by the failed Vietnam war. Along with Truman Capote, Joan Didion, Tom Wolfe and Hunter S. Thompson, Mailer is also seen as a pioneer in what came to be known as the “New Journalism,” a form of creative nonfiction that used some of the style and devices of literary fiction to write fact-based journalism. His most significant work in this vein was Armies of the Night (1968), a nonfiction novel about the October 1967 March on the Pentagon. The book won both the Pulitzer Prize and National Book Award. Mailer also wrote books about the Apollo 11 mission to the moon, a response to criticisms of him and other male authors by feminist author, Kate Millett, and an account of the 1974 “Rumble in the Jungle,” the heavyweight championship fight between Muhammad Ali and George Forman in Zaire.
In 1979, Mailer published The Executioner’s Song, for which he won his second Pulitzer Prize. The “true crime” novel focuses on the execution of Utah murderer, Gary Gilmore. His final novel, Harlot’s Ghost, published in 1991, explored the hidden history of the CIA from the end of WWII through the mid-1960s. Mailer, who also wrote drama and screenplays for films, died in 2007.
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Jimmy Breslin was an outspoken journalist and novelist who was known as a tough-talking representative of working-class residents in his hometown, Queens, New York. In 1962, Breslin wrote a best-selling book on the New York Mets baseball team, Can’t Anybody Here Play This Game? In 1963, he was covering southern civil rights activism in Selma, Alabama, when President John F. Kennedy was assassinated in Dallas, Texas. While other journalists wrote stories about the fallen president, Breslin secured an interview with Malcolm Perry, the Parkland Hospital doctor who had tried to save him. He followed that up with a powerful column about Clifton Pollard, the man who dug Kennedy’s grave. As journalist David Shedden later wrote, “It’s a plainly told story -- no breathtaking sentences here -- but the style is effective in its Hemingway-esque directness. Breslin moves from the gravedigger’s perspective, to a more omniscient view of the funeral, back to the worker. We like the passage about Jackie Kennedy, its moving description of her particular, telling gestures. But the piece’s central power lies in Breslin’s juxtaposition of the cemetery workers, the small details of the scene’s sounds and sights, with the enormity of the event." From there, Breslin secured positions as a columnist for a succession of New York newspapers, gaining a reputation as a staunch opponent of corruption and injustice. Like Mailer, Breslin was seen as a pioneer of the New Journalism movement and often mixed his own experience with his journalistic reportage of political events. In 1969, he published the true-crime book, The Gang That Couldn’t Shoot Straight, about mobster “Crazy Joe” Gallo and his band of bungling baddies. The book was made into a film in 1971.
Breslin continued to be an influential writer until his death in 2017. In 1973, he wrote another novel, World Without End, Amen. In 1977, Breslin again gained notoriety for a series of compelling articles on the infamous “Son of Sam” serial killer, David Berkowitz. In response to those essays and in the midst of his killing spree, Berkowitz wrote to Breslin: “Hello from the cracks in the sidewalks of N.Y.C. and from the ants that dwell in these cracks and feed on the dried blood of the dead that has settled into the cracks.” The murderer continued, “J.B., I’m just dropping you a line to let you know that I appreciate your interest in those recent and horrendous .44 killings. I also want to tell you that I read your column daily and find it quite informative.” In 1978, Breslin received a sizable advance to co-write a book about the Son of Sam murders with Dick Schaap, titled, .44. Many viewed the book as exploitative and in poor taste so soon after the traumatic events. In 1986, Breslin won a Pulitzer Prize, in part for his writing about the AIDS epidemic in New York City, as well his broader work championing the causes of ordinary people. In later decades, he published a memoir, I Want to Thank My Brain for Remembering Me (1996), as well as a non-fiction account of a Mexican construction worker in New York who was killed on site when a building collapsed, The Short Sweet Dream of Eduardo Gutiérrez (2002), and a final book about the mafia, titled, The Good Rat (2008). Los Angeles Times columnist Jack Smith described Breslin, "like an Irish wind that has blown through Queens and Harlem and Mutchie's bar. It is a pound of Hemingway and a pound of Joyce and 240 pounds of Breslin." Following his death in 2017, Tom Wolfe called him, “incredible, the greatest newspaper columnist of my era.”
"Crazy Joe" Gallo
1960 election
1968 election
51st State plan
Adele Mailer
AIDS
Amen
Anti-War
Apollo 11
Armies of the Night
Black Panther Party
bullshit
Can’t Anybody Here Play This Game?
Charles B. Rangel
Chicago
Chicago '68
CIA
Clifton Pollard
Cuba
Dallas
David Berkowitz
David Shedden
Dick Schaap
electoral politics
Esquire
Fair Play for Cuba Committee
feminism
Florida
Gary Gilmore
George Forman
Gloria Steinam
grave digger
Great Society
Greenwich Village
Harlot’s Ghost
hipster
homosexuality
Huey Newton
Hunter S. Thompson
I Want to Thank My Brain for Remembering Me
Illinois
Jack Smith
Jackie Kennedy
Jimmy Breslin
Joan Didion
John F. Kennedy
Kate Millett
LBJ
Lee Harvey Oswald
libertarianism
Mafia
Malcolm Perry
March on the Pentagon
Miami
Miami and the Siege of Chicago
moon landing
Muhammad Ali
National Book Award
New Journalism
New Left
New York
New York Daily News
No More Bullshit
Norman Mailer
Parkland Hospital
Pentagon
Pulitzer Prize
Queens
Richard Nixon
Rumble in the Jungle
Son of Sam
Superman Comes to the Supermarket
Sweet Sundays
Texas
The Executioner’s Song
The Gang That Couldn’t Shoot Straight
The Good Rat
The Naked and the Dead
The Short Sweet Dream of Eduardo Gutiérrez
The Village Voice
The White Negro
Throw the Rascals In
Tom Wolfe
Truman Capote
Utah
Vietnam War
Watergate
Why Are We in Vietnam?
Women's Liberation
working-class
World Without End
Writers and Editors War Tax Protest
Zaire
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Dublin Core
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Description
An account of the resource
Roz Payne was a photographer and took hundreds of images of activism during the Sixties. The images in this collection include more than 500 photographs of the protests outside the 1968 Democratic National Convention in Chicago. Other seminal events captured here include the 1967 anti-war demonstration at the Pentagon, the 1968 student take-over at Columbia University, the 1968 Huey Newton and Panther 21 trials, the Yippies and the Venceremos Brigade. Photos include famous Sixties figures, like Abbie Hoffman, Jerry Rubin, Eldridge Cleaver, H. Rap Brown, Bobby Seale, Kathleen Cleaver, Phil Ochs, Norman Mailer, A.J. Muste, Dick Gregory, Jean Genet, William Burroughs, Richard Daley, Mark Rudd, Dhoruba Bin Wahad and others. There are numerous other photos of lesser-known moments and activists, as well.
Still Image
A static visual representation. Examples include paintings, drawings, graphic designs, plans and maps. Recommended best practice is to assign the type Text to images of textual materials.
Original Format
The type of object, such as painting, sculpture, paper, photo, and additional data
photographs
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
Yippies at HUAC Hearings (85 images)
Subject
The topic of the resource
New Left/Counterculture
Description
An account of the resource
In 1968, in the wake of the police riot outside the Democratic National Convention in Chicago, the House UnAmerican Activities Committee (HUAC) subpoenaed Yippie leaders, Abbie Hoffman and Jerry Rubin, as well as other members of the Chicago 7, including Tom Hayden, Rennie Davis, Dave Dellinger, and early anti-Vietnam war activist Robert Greenblatt. A statement by the National Emergency Civil Liberties Committee (NECLC) called the HUAC hearings an “attempt by the Johnson administration to use every mechanism at its disposal to legitimize the action of Mayor Daley and the Chicago police.” Lawyers for the subpoenaed activists included Michael Kennedy and Henry di Suvero of the NECLC, William Kunstler of the Law Center for Constitutional Rights, and Gerald Lefcourt of the National Lawyers Guild.
In classic Yippie fashion, Rubin and Hoffman sought to create a satirical theatrical media spectacle out of their appearances. According to a Harvard Crimson article in February of 1969, “In the fifties, the most effective sanction was terror. Almost any publicity from HUAC meant the ‘blacklist'. Without a chance to clear his name, a witness would suddenly find himself without friends and without a job. But it is not easy to see how in 1969, a HUAC blacklist could terrorize an SDS activist. Witnesses like Jerry Rubin have openly boasted of their contempt for American institutions. A subpoena from HUAC would be unlikely to scandalize Abbie Hoffman or his friends.” Rubin told the Liberation News Service that he “plans to use the hearings as a stage for a theatrical assault on HUAC and as a platform to call for disruptive actions on election day.” During an earlier appearance before HUAC in 1966, Rubin dressed as an American revolutionary and passed out copies of the Declaration of Independence, claiming to be a descendent of Thomas Jefferson and Thomas Paine and declaring "Nothing is more American than revolution." He also blew bubble gum bubbles as committee members questioned him about his communist affiliations, while others offered the committee Nazi salutes. During his responses to committee questions, he highlighted the segregationist pasts of prominent HUAC members, as well as their ties to Pentagon contractors.
Not to be outdone, Hoffman kiddingly told the LNS, “I plan to turn state’s evidence. I plan to squeal on everybody… I am going to indict my friend Peter Rabbit.” He went on to explain that his strategy was to “get crazy. Craziest motherfuckers they ever seen in this country. ‘Cause that’s the only way we’re gonna beat them. So fucking crazy that they can’t understand it at ALL.” As Hoffman’s biographer, Jonah Raskin related, “Abbie printed and distributed his own subpoenas, which were addressed to “Yippies, Motherfuckers, Commies, Narcos, Saboteurs, Conspirators, Sons of Liberty, Freaks, Guerrillas.” His subpoenas urged everyone to come to the hearings with “pot, incense, yo-yos, molotov cocktails, flowers, energy, black widow spiders, balloons, flags, gold balls, PIGS, music, banners, LSD, flaming crosses, hats, fruit, battleships, life, rice, licorice, slogans, flesh, rocks, lights, noise makers, buttons, cameras, gorillas.”
On the opening day of the hearings - October 1 – the activists and their lawyers engaged in a “stand-in” to protest the proceedings. Attorney Michael Kennedy shouted, “The Constitution is being raped, and we as lawyers are being emasculated in an armed camp.” Hoffman wore a tie-dyed t-shirt with feathers in his bushy hair, while Rubin wore a bandolier of live cartridges and carried a toy M-16 rifle. Members of the newly-formed women’s liberation group, Women’s International Terrorist Conspiracy from Hell (W.I.T.C.H.), including Roz Payne, wore black hats and dresses and carried broomsticks. As Raskin described, “Forming a circle around Jerry, they burned incense, danced, and chanted.”
Jerry Rubin described the the events this way:
“I come to the HUAC hearings wearing a bandolero of real bullets and carrying a toy M-16 rifle on my shoulder. The rifle was a model of the rifles the Viet Cong steal and then use to kill American soldiers in Vietnam.
The pigs stop me at the door of the hearings. They grab the bullets and the gun. It is a dramatic moment. Press and yippies pack us in tightly. The pigs drag me down three flights of stairs and remove the bullets, leaving the gun, Viet Cong pajamas, Eldridge Cleaver buttons, Black Panther beret, war paint, earrings, bandolero, and the bells which ring every time I move my body. My costume carried a nonverbal message: ‘We must all become stoned guerrillas.’
The secret to the costume was the painted tits. Guerrilla war in America is going to come in psychedelic colors. We are hippie-guerrillas.
In HUAC’s chambers Abbie Hoffman jumps up and yells out, ‘May I go to the bathroom?’ Young kids reading that in their hometown papers giggle because they have to ask permission every time they want to go to the bathroom in school.
The message of my costume flipped across the country in one day: an example of our use of the enemy’s institutions – her mass media – to turn on and communicate with one another.”
Over the next few days, Hoffman and Rubin continued to create a spectacle from the hearings. Rubin returned with his bandolier, toy gun, Native American headband, body paint and North Vietnamese flag cape. But it was Hoffman who stole the show. Again, Jonah Raskin explains,
“Gerald Lefcourt later remembered that Abbie did not want to let HUAC steal the media spotlight. ‘He wanted what he was about to be on the evening news, and not what they were about,’ Lefcourt said. He explained that Abbie ‘had the idea of wearing a flag shirt and saying “I’m more American that you.” He was certain that he would be arrested, and that the arrest would make the news and steal the show from the committee. Moreover, he had a hunch that the police would rip off the American flag shirt from his back. Then, they’d be guilty of desecration.’
On the morning of October 4, everything went more or less as Abbie had planned. Anita painted the flag of the Vietnamese National Liberation Front (NLF) on his back. Then Abbie put on a commercially made American flag shirt and pinned on two of his favorite buttons: one that read ‘Wallace for President: Stand Up for America” and another that said ‘Vote Pig in Sixty-Eight, Yippie.’ He also wore dark glasses that made him look mysterious and a bit menacing as well. Sure enough, on the sidewalk outside the Cannon Office Building, law enforcement officials stopped him, tore up his shirt, and arrested him for desecration of the flag. Abbie spent the night in jail. It was a dreadful experience that only added to his sense of outrage about the whole affair. ‘The law I was arrested under would make everyone who dresses in an Uncle Sam costume and most drum majorettes criminals,’ he wrote in the Epilogue to Revolution for the Hell of It. And he added that he had recently watched Phyllis Diller on TV wearing ‘a miniskirt that looked more like an American flag than the shirt I wore,’ but no one had arrested her.
He was the first person to be prosecuted under the new federal statute that made it a crime to deface or defile the flag. U.S. Attorney Benton Becker argued that the flag was ‘symbolically the United States of America,’ and that the government had ‘a legitimate interest in maintaining the sanctity of its symbols.’ Gerald Lefcourt defended Abbie on First Amendment grounds: wearing the flag was a form of symbolic speech, Lefcourt argued. His client had never intended to dishonor the flag. Morover, there was no physical violence, no personal injury, and no provocation to the public. ‘The communication of ideas is what the country is all about,’ Lefcourt told the court. ‘If we don’t protect the communication of ideas, then we’re leading ourselves down the path of serious trouble to a repressive society.’
On the witness stand, Abbie explained that he wore the American flag shirt because ‘I was going before the Un-American Activities Committee of the House of Representatives and I don’t particularly consider that committee American, and I don’t consider that House of Representatives particularly representative; and I wore the shirt to show that we were in the tradition of the founding fathers of this country.’ He was found guilty of desecrating the flag and was sentenced to a thirty-day prison term, although an appeals court would subsequently reverse the lower court’s decision. 'Your honor, I regret that I have but one shirt to give for my country,' he said after he was sentenced.”
As Hoffman was arrested outside the HUAC hearings, Jerry Rubin comically shouted at police, “Communists,” for not arresting him, as well. Two months later, at another round of HUAC hearings in December, Rubin wore a Santa Claus costume “in a direct attempt to reach the head of every child in the country.” Hoffman refused to testify in front of HUAC.
The photos in this set were taken by Roz Payne on October 3 and 4, 1968, and include images of Abbie Hoffman and Anita Hoffman’s arrest, Jerry Rubin in costume, Hoffman talking to Paul Krassner, a dinner with lawyers and other miscellaneous shots from the courthouse scene.
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Roz Payne
Source
A related resource from which the described resource is derived
Roz Payne
Publisher
An entity responsible for making the resource available
Center for Digital Research in the Humanities, University of Nebraska-Lincoln
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1968
Abbie Hoffman
American Revolution
Anita Hoffman
anti-communism
as Jefferson
Benton Becker
Chicago '68
Dave Dellinger
flag
George Wallace
Gerald Lefcourt
Harvard Crimson
Henry di Suvero
House of Representatives
House UnAmerican Activities Committee
HUAC
Jerry Rubin
Jonah Raskin
Law Center for Constitutional Rights
LBJ
Michael Kennedy
National Emergency Civil Liberties Committee
National Lawyers Guild
National Liberation Front
NECLC
NLF
Paul Krassner
Peter Rabbit
Phyllis Diller
Pig
police
Rennie Davis
Revolution for the Hell of It
Richard Daley
Robert Greenblatt
Roz Payne
Santa Claus
Thomas Paine
Tom Hayden
Vietcong
W.I.T.C.H.
William Kunstler
Women’s International Terrorist Conspiracy from Helll
Yippies
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Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
Photographs
Description
An account of the resource
Roz Payne was a photographer and took hundreds of images of activism during the Sixties. The images in this collection include more than 500 photographs of the protests outside the 1968 Democratic National Convention in Chicago. Other seminal events captured here include the 1967 anti-war demonstration at the Pentagon, the 1968 student take-over at Columbia University, the 1968 Huey Newton and Panther 21 trials, the Yippies and the Venceremos Brigade. Photos include famous Sixties figures, like Abbie Hoffman, Jerry Rubin, Eldridge Cleaver, H. Rap Brown, Bobby Seale, Kathleen Cleaver, Phil Ochs, Norman Mailer, A.J. Muste, Dick Gregory, Jean Genet, William Burroughs, Richard Daley, Mark Rudd, Dhoruba Bin Wahad and others. There are numerous other photos of lesser-known moments and activists, as well.
Still Image
A static visual representation. Examples include paintings, drawings, graphic designs, plans and maps. Recommended best practice is to assign the type Text to images of textual materials.
Original Format
The type of object, such as painting, sculpture, paper, photo, and additional data
photographs
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
1968 New York Student Strike (51 images)
Subject
The topic of the resource
Black Power
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Roz Payne
Source
A related resource from which the described resource is derived
Roz Payne
Publisher
An entity responsible for making the resource available
Center for Digital Research in the Humanities, University of Nebraska-Lincoln
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1968
Description
An account of the resource
Student activism hit a new high point in 1968, when dozens of campus protests broke out at colleges and universities across the country and internationally. Events evolved at a quick pace that year. In the wake of the Tet Offensive in January, an estimated 500 students at New York University demonstrated against Dow Chemical recruiters on campus. Dow was the manufacturer of napalm, a chemical agent used by U.S. military in Vietnam to burn plant life and human beings during the war. Students at NYU and elsewhere opposed the links between the university and what came to be known as the “military-industrial complex.” That same month, Minnesota senator, Eugene McCarthy, entered the Democratic presidential nomination process as an anti-war candidate, shocking Lyndon B. Johnson’s re-election campaign by earning 40% of the vote in the New Hampshire primary.
Shortly thereafter, Robert Kennedy entered the race and Johnson shocked the nation by announcing he was dropping out of the race. In Early-April, Martin Luther King, Jr., was assassinated in Memphis, spurring dozens of urban rebellions in cities nationwide, including Harlem. At NYU, administrators suspended class for two days to hold a series of student-faculty seminars on race relations and formed a new committee to create a policy focused on African American students and other students of color.
From April 22-27, student activists in SDS and the NYU Committee to End the War in Vietnam (CEWV) organize and lead a week-long “International Student-Faculty Strike to Bring Our Troops Home, End the Draft and Racial Oppression,” consisting of a series of campus anti-war protests and discussions, a class boycott on Friday, April 26, and then a march down 5th Avenue the following day. That same day, members of SDS and the Student Afro Society at Columbia University seize several campus buildings in what will ultimately become a significant international incident.
In May, student activists in Paris trigger a nationwide strike there. In June, Robert Kennedy is gunned down in Los Angeles after winning the Democratic primary in California. In August, the Soviet Union invaded Czechoslovakia, crushing the “Prague Spring” protest movement. A few days later, Chicago police attacked New Left protesters outside the Democratic National Convention in Chicago.
In mid-September, a new controversy erupted at NYU surrounding the appointment of John Hatchett to head up the Martin Luther King Afro-American Student Center on campus. Hatchett had been a civil rights activist during the early-1960s, most significantly participating in sit-ins, marches and other demonstrations in Greensboro, North Carolina. In 1963, he moved to New York City to attend graduate school at NYU and Columbia University. He also taught in the New York public school system, where he continued to advocate for the interests of local black communities. On October 11, three months after Hatchett assumed his position as head of the AASC, administrators fired him amid claims that an article he wrote, “The Phenomenon of the Anti-Black Jews and the Black Anglo-Saxon: A Study in Educational Perfidy,” was anti-semitic and anti-white. In a speech, he had also referred to Vice President Hubert H. Humphrey, Richard M. Nixon and the president of the United Teachers Federation, Albert Shanker, as “racist bastards.” NYU President, James Hester, told reporters that the primary cause of Hatchett’s firing was that he had “proved to be increasingly ineffective in performing his duties because of the incompatibility of many of his actions and public statements with the requirements of his position in the university.” The firing was applauded by many local Jewish, Catholic and Protestant religious leaders, but sharply criticized by campus militants. The American Jewish Congress stated at the time that they hoped the university would replace Hatchett with “someone who is more likely to guide black students into harmonious relationships with their fellow students and the communities in which they will live.”
In response to the firing, NYU student activists mounted a series of demonstrations, including a general strike that lasted for about ten days before fizzling. Student radicals also occupied two buildings on the NYU Bronx campus. The university ultimately offered a compromise, allowing Hatchett to remain an adviser to African American student groups on campus. In November, the AASC became independent of the university, run by a board made up of African American students and faculty.
The images in this set were taken by Roz Payne during the NYU protests of
Hatchett’s firing. Interestingly, a number of the signs also reference the local Ocean Hill-Brownsville “community control” movement that was powerful at the time in New York public schools. Activists saw both as examples of the need for greater autonomy for black and brown people within local educational institutions.
The Ocean Hill-Brownsville district had been reorganized as an experiment in local control of public schools, with a community-controlled school board instituted in the primarily African American neighborhoods. Rhody McCoy was appointed superintendent of the new board. McCoy, who was popular in the black community, was a controversial figure because he was a follower and friend of Malcom X. Some claimed he was heavily influenced by Harold Cruse’s seminal book, The Crisis of the Negro Intellectual, and believed Jews were too involved and powerful within the black freedom movement. McCoy also appointed Herman Ferguson as the principle of one of the schools in the district. According to an article he wrote in The Guardian, Ferguson advocated that schools offer "instructions in gun weaponry, gun handling, and gun safety" as important survival skills for children of color in a racist society. Ultimately, the appointment was withdrawn.
Over several months, tensions simmered between the new Ocean Hill-Brownsville board and a number of white teachers and staff who the board claimed were trying to sabotage the experiment in local control. In response the school board attempted to fire 83 teachers and staff, almost all of whom were Jewish. The teacher’s union balked at the move, which violated terms of their labor agreement with the district. Albert Shanker, the head of the teacher’s union called the board action, "a kind of vigilante activity." In response, teachers went out on strike. When they attempted to return to the school on May 15, a group of parents and community members who supported the board attempted to block them. Local police broke the blockade, allowing the teachers to return, though the board closed the schools. On May 22-23, teachers again protested by staying home, promoting the board to fire 350 more teachers.
At the start of the new school year in August and September, a city-wide teachers' strikes shut down the New York City public schools for 36 days. The strike caused divisions among civil rights leaders and union members. Bayard Rustin and A. Philip Randolph supported the striking teachers, causing sharp criticism from many black parents, teachers and a new generation of racial justice activists. While large percentages of teachers participated in the strike, black and brown teachers, as well as white teachers who taught primarily black and brown students, tended to support the strike in much lower numbers.
The strike ended in mid-November with the state seizing control of the Ocean Hill-Brownsville district and reinstating the fired teachers. Some argued that militant black teachers were “purged.” Undoubtedly, the conflict heightened tensions between the African American and Jewish communities.
A. Philip Randolph
Albert Shanker
American Jewish Congress
bastard
Bayard Rustin
Benjamin Franklin High School
black is beautiful
Brownsville
CEWV
Chicago '68
Columbia University
community control
Czechoslovakia
Dow Chemical
education
Educational Reform
End the Draft and Racial Oppression
Eugene McCarthy
George Wallace
Harlem
Hubert Humphrey
International Student-Faculty Strike to Bring Our Troops Home
James M. Hester
John F. Hatchett
labor movement
LBJ
Los Angeles
Martin Luther King
MLK
New Hampshire
New Left
New York
New York University
NYU Committee to End the War in Vietnam
Ocean Hill
Paris
Pigs
police
Power to the People
Prague Spring
Puerto Rican
racist
RFK
Rhody McCoy
Richard Nixon
Robert F. Kennedy
SDS
Soviet Union
strike
Student Afro Society
student strike
Students for a Democratic Society
United Federation of Teachers
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Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
Photographs
Description
An account of the resource
Roz Payne was a photographer and took hundreds of images of activism during the Sixties. The images in this collection include more than 500 photographs of the protests outside the 1968 Democratic National Convention in Chicago. Other seminal events captured here include the 1967 anti-war demonstration at the Pentagon, the 1968 student take-over at Columbia University, the 1968 Huey Newton and Panther 21 trials, the Yippies and the Venceremos Brigade. Photos include famous Sixties figures, like Abbie Hoffman, Jerry Rubin, Eldridge Cleaver, H. Rap Brown, Bobby Seale, Kathleen Cleaver, Phil Ochs, Norman Mailer, A.J. Muste, Dick Gregory, Jean Genet, William Burroughs, Richard Daley, Mark Rudd, Dhoruba Bin Wahad and others. There are numerous other photos of lesser-known moments and activists, as well.
Still Image
A static visual representation. Examples include paintings, drawings, graphic designs, plans and maps. Recommended best practice is to assign the type Text to images of textual materials.
Original Format
The type of object, such as painting, sculpture, paper, photo, and additional data
photographs
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
After the 1968 Chicago Convention at the County Fair (45 images)
Subject
The topic of the resource
New Left
Description
An account of the resource
Photographs of activists at the County Fair following the 1968 Chicago Democratic National Convention. It is unclear which county, as the Cook County Fair appears to have stopped in 1948.
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Roz Payne
Source
A related resource from which the described resource is derived
Roz Payne
Publisher
An entity responsible for making the resource available
Center for Digital Research in the Humanities, University of Nebraska-Lincoln
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
August 1968
Chicago
Chicago '68
County Fair
electoral politics
Illinois
New Left
Rat Subterranean News
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Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
Photographs
Description
An account of the resource
Roz Payne was a photographer and took hundreds of images of activism during the Sixties. The images in this collection include more than 500 photographs of the protests outside the 1968 Democratic National Convention in Chicago. Other seminal events captured here include the 1967 anti-war demonstration at the Pentagon, the 1968 student take-over at Columbia University, the 1968 Huey Newton and Panther 21 trials, the Yippies and the Venceremos Brigade. Photos include famous Sixties figures, like Abbie Hoffman, Jerry Rubin, Eldridge Cleaver, H. Rap Brown, Bobby Seale, Kathleen Cleaver, Phil Ochs, Norman Mailer, A.J. Muste, Dick Gregory, Jean Genet, William Burroughs, Richard Daley, Mark Rudd, Dhoruba Bin Wahad and others. There are numerous other photos of lesser-known moments and activists, as well.
Still Image
A static visual representation. Examples include paintings, drawings, graphic designs, plans and maps. Recommended best practice is to assign the type Text to images of textual materials.
Original Format
The type of object, such as painting, sculpture, paper, photo, and additional data
photographs
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
Chicago '68 Photos (541 images)
Subject
The topic of the resource
Chicago Democratic National Convention Demonstrations
Description
An account of the resource
Roz Payne took the more than 500 photos during the 1968 Chicago Democratic National Convention. The protests degenerated into a police riot when Democratic mayor and party stalwart, Richard Daley, ordered an estimated 23,000 riot-clad police officers to attack roughly 10,000 demonstrators in and near Grant Park. The chaos outside of the convention hall, which was broadcast across the country and around the world, took place against the backdrop of growing public opposition to America’s War in Vietnam, the blossoming of the anti-war movement, increasing disillusionment with the Democratic Party and what many viewed as the slow rate of meaningful social change, as well as the shocking assassinations of Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr., and Senator Robert F. Kennedy, earlier that year. The tumultuous convention resulted in the nomination of Hubert H. Humphrey and Edmund S. Muskie as his running-mate. Republican standard-bearer, Richard Nixon, won the fall election, capping one of the more unlikely political comebacks in recent U.S. history.
Images in this collection show a variety of protests, Abbie Hoffman, Phil Ochs, Norman Mailer, Allen Ginsberg, William Burroughs, Jean Genet, Dick Gregory, Jerry Rubin, Pigasus, MC5, among others.
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Roz Payne
Source
A related resource from which the described resource is derived
Roz Payne
Publisher
An entity responsible for making the resource available
Center for Digital Research in the Humanities, University of Nebraska-Lincoln
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
August 1968
1968 election
Abbie Hoffman
Allen Ginsberg
Chicago '68
Conrad Hilton
Democratic Party
demonstration
Dick Gregory
Grant Park
Jean Genet
Jerry Rubin
New Left
Norman Mailer
Phil Ochs
Pigasus
police repression
protest
Richard Daley
William Burroughs
Yippies
-
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e9eeed622ddf5a5cea5e2feb0f8f568b
https://rozsixties.unl.edu/files/original/c819763ae187b720ea08a8aed8354a48.jpg
0413c7be39f12baf1788d92a1a3d77de
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
Posters and Graphic Design
Description
An account of the resource
The movements of the Sixties produced a rich history of political posters and other graphic arts. These posters were hung in political offices, bookstores, bedrooms and in public. The posters collected here include designs related to the anti-war movement, Black Power, women’s liberation, the Yippies, counterculture, the Democratic National Convention in Chicago, anti-imperialism, the Cuban Revolution, environmentalism, Bernie Sanders’ elections for Burlington mayor, anti-communism, the labor movement, corporate inequality, the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, and other topics. Of particular note are a series of posters created by the OSPAAAL, the Organisation in Solidarity with the People of Africa, Asia and Latin America, the main publisher of international solidarity posters in Cuba.
Source
A related resource from which the described resource is derived
Roz Payne
Physical Object
An inanimate, three-dimensional object or substance. Note that digital representations of, or surrogates for, these objects should use Moving Image, Still Image, Text or one of the other types.
Original Format
The type of object, such as painting, sculpture, paper, photo, and additional data
paper
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
Handwriting On the Wall, no. 2
Description
An account of the resource
This SDS poster as a "wall newspaper" which was posted on city streets in Chicago by members of the group as a means of circulating their political agenda in the wake of the 1968 Chicago Democratic National Convention. This poster, the second in a series, discusses protests, skirmishes with police and strategy for upcoming activism.
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Students for a Democratic Society (SDS)
Source
A related resource from which the described resource is derived
Roz Payne
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1968
Subject
The topic of the resource
New Left
Publisher
An entity responsible for making the resource available
Center for Digital Research in the Humanities, University of Nebraska-Lincoln
Format
The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource
"wall newspaper"
Anti-War
Chicago
Chicago '68
Fort Hood
Illinois
media
police
Police Brutality
SDS
Vietnam War
wallposter
Yippies
Youth International Party
-
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a96e85ad071fa8f066f130d365d43c5d
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
Leaflets, Flyers, Broadsides and Article Reprints
Description
An account of the resource
The social movements of the Sixties produced hundreds of leaflets, flyers, broadsides and reprinted articles. These items were an important part of movement culture and another important organizing tool for activists and organizations. They were mimeographed and circulated widely at meetings, through the mail and by hand.
Physical Object
An inanimate, three-dimensional object or substance. Note that digital representations of, or surrogates for, these objects should use Moving Image, Still Image, Text or one of the other types.
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
Yippie Schedule and Plan for 1968 Chicago Democratic Convention
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Youth International Party (Yippie) - reprinted from The
Rag
Source
A related resource from which the described resource is derived
Roz Payne
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1968
Subject
The topic of the resource
New Left
Description
An account of the resource
This document describes Yippie plans for the upcoming protests at the 1968 Democratic National Convention in Chicago.
Publisher
An entity responsible for making the resource available
Center for Digital Research in the Humanities, University of Nebraska-Lincoln
Format
The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource
mimeograph
Type
The nature or genre of the resource
leaflet
Chicago
Chicago '68
Democratic Party
Illinois
Jerry Rubin
The Rag
Underground Press
Yippies
Youth International Party
-
https://rozsixties.unl.edu/files/original/e26c5d78e9231634b15ead21f93f7375.jpg
b515ad02a49cc55fe4371c16e3094a79
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
Buttons
Description
An account of the resource
Buttons were one of the most popular and pervasive forms of political messaging during the 1960s, combining brief messaging and memorable graphic designs. Buttons were inexpensive to produce on a mass basis and easy to distribute. They afforded any individual an opportunity to voice their opinions and, potentially, reach a broad audience. As Hunter Oatman-Stanford has written, “From discreet lapel pins to oversized buttons on purses or backpacks, pinbacks invite conversation by declaring potentially controversial viewpoints to complete strangers.” In this way, buttons were (and still are) a particularly democratic form of political propaganda.
As button collector, John Aisthorpe, has put it, buttons offer “a little snapshot of history.” During the 1960s, buttons were vital to the visual identity of a range of movements. “There were many protest groups who put their views on buttons,” Aisthorpe recalls, “from the early ’60s with the Free Speech Movement (FSM) to the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC), Students for a Democratic Society (SDS) and, later, the Veterans for Peace, the Fifth Avenue Vietnam Peace Parade Committee, and the Yippies.” The political impact of buttons in the 1960s is hard to gauge, though their popularity suggests some modicum of significance. And, as Aisthorpe has asserted, “It’s hard to say what impact they had, but the text of buttons worn at protests were often used as antiwar chants, like ‘Hell no, we won’t go!’… They must have had some effect.” The buttons of the 1960s have remained some of the most enduring relics from this important past.
This collection includes buttons from a wide array of movements from the Sixties, including the student movement, civil rights and Black Power movements, women's liberation, environmentalism, the anti-nuclear movement, gay liberation, electoral politics, the Chicano movement, the labor movement and the counterculture, with a strong emphasis on the anti-war movement. In addition, a few buttons date from Roz Payne’s activist efforts in the 1970s and 1980s, including the early political campaigns of Vermont politician, Bernie Sanders.
Physical Object
An inanimate, three-dimensional object or substance. Note that digital representations of, or surrogates for, these objects should use Moving Image, Still Image, Text or one of the other types.
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
"Pigasus"
Description
An account of the resource
At the Democratic National Convention in Chicago in August 1968, as a part of the broader protest against the Democratic Party and the War in Vietnam, the Youth International Party, or Yippies, satirically nominated a pig - "Pigasus" - for U.S. president. Abbie Hoffman, Jerry Rubin, Dennis Dalrymple and other Yippie pranksters argued, with tongues firmly planted in cheeks, that Pigasus could "really bring home the pork" and "if we can't have him in the White House, we can have him for breakfast." The 1968 stunt typified the Yippies' absurdist, theatrical approach to protest, as well as their mix of New Left politics and counterculturalism.
The image and rhetoric of the "pig" was popular among a range of New Left radicals during the late-1960s and into the 1970s to signify illegitimate, repressive and militaristic state authority, particularly police forces and government officials. The Black Panther Party, Students for a Democratic Society, Yippies and other counterculturists are most well-known for their use of the "pig" caricature, though the image and rhetoric of the "pig" was widely employed across the New Left and counterculture during this period.
Here, the image of the pig serves as a humorous theatrical tool to critique the contemporary state of U.S. politics.
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Youth International Party
Source
A related resource from which the described resource is derived
Roz Payne
Publisher
An entity responsible for making the resource available
Center for Digital Research in the Humanities, University of Nebraska-Lincoln
Format
The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource
Button
Type
The nature or genre of the resource
Physical Object
Subject
The topic of the resource
New Left
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1968
1968 election
Abbie Hoffman
Black Panther Party
Chicago '68
counterculture
Democratic Party
Dennis Dalrymple
Jerry Rubin
Pig
Pigasus
politics
protest
Students for a Democratic Society
Yippies
-
https://rozsixties.unl.edu/files/original/edbf727687e86d8f25ba09bf5db0275e.jpg
506e2190938b553f4763e4e3a5323730
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
Buttons
Description
An account of the resource
Buttons were one of the most popular and pervasive forms of political messaging during the 1960s, combining brief messaging and memorable graphic designs. Buttons were inexpensive to produce on a mass basis and easy to distribute. They afforded any individual an opportunity to voice their opinions and, potentially, reach a broad audience. As Hunter Oatman-Stanford has written, “From discreet lapel pins to oversized buttons on purses or backpacks, pinbacks invite conversation by declaring potentially controversial viewpoints to complete strangers.” In this way, buttons were (and still are) a particularly democratic form of political propaganda.
As button collector, John Aisthorpe, has put it, buttons offer “a little snapshot of history.” During the 1960s, buttons were vital to the visual identity of a range of movements. “There were many protest groups who put their views on buttons,” Aisthorpe recalls, “from the early ’60s with the Free Speech Movement (FSM) to the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC), Students for a Democratic Society (SDS) and, later, the Veterans for Peace, the Fifth Avenue Vietnam Peace Parade Committee, and the Yippies.” The political impact of buttons in the 1960s is hard to gauge, though their popularity suggests some modicum of significance. And, as Aisthorpe has asserted, “It’s hard to say what impact they had, but the text of buttons worn at protests were often used as antiwar chants, like ‘Hell no, we won’t go!’… They must have had some effect.” The buttons of the 1960s have remained some of the most enduring relics from this important past.
This collection includes buttons from a wide array of movements from the Sixties, including the student movement, civil rights and Black Power movements, women's liberation, environmentalism, the anti-nuclear movement, gay liberation, electoral politics, the Chicano movement, the labor movement and the counterculture, with a strong emphasis on the anti-war movement. In addition, a few buttons date from Roz Payne’s activist efforts in the 1970s and 1980s, including the early political campaigns of Vermont politician, Bernie Sanders.
Physical Object
An inanimate, three-dimensional object or substance. Note that digital representations of, or surrogates for, these objects should use Moving Image, Still Image, Text or one of the other types.
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
Vote Pig
Description
An account of the resource
At the Democratic National Convention in Chicago in August 1968, as a part of the broader protest against the Democratic Party and the War in Vietnam, the Youth International Party, or Yippies, satirically nominated a pig - "Pigasus" - for U.S. president. Abbie Hoffman, Jerry Rubin, Dennis Dalrymple and other Yippie pranksters argued, with tongues firmly planted in cheeks, that Pigasus could "really bring home the pork" and "if we can't have him in the White House, we can have him for breakfast." The 1968 stunt typified the Yippies' absurdist, theatrical approach to protest, as well as their mix of New Left politics and counterculturalism.
The image and rhetoric of the "pig" was popular among a range of New Left radicals during the late-1960s and into the 1970s to signify illegitimate, repressive and militaristic state authority, particularly police forces and government officials. The Black Panther Party, Students for a Democratic Society, Yippies and other counterculturists are most well-known for their use of the "pig" caricature, though the image and rhetoric of the "pig" was widely employed across the New Left and counterculture during this period.
Here, the campaign-style "Vote Pig" button serves as a humorous theatrical tool to critique the contemporary state of U.S. politics.
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Youth International Party
Source
A related resource from which the described resource is derived
Roz Payne
Publisher
An entity responsible for making the resource available
Center for Digital Research in the Humanities, University of Nebraska-Lincoln
Format
The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource
Button
Type
The nature or genre of the resource
Physical Object
Subject
The topic of the resource
New Left
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1968
1968 election
Abbie Hoffman
Black Panther Party
Chicago '68
counterculture
Jerry Rubin
New Left
Pig
Pigasus
politics
protest
Students for a Democratic Society
Yippies
-
https://rozsixties.unl.edu/files/original/febba0147451da6c0ea0c439b7f1b5a0.jpg
acf56f9288204cfa6908b499506d2b3a
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
Posters and Graphic Design
Description
An account of the resource
The movements of the Sixties produced a rich history of political posters and other graphic arts. These posters were hung in political offices, bookstores, bedrooms and in public. The posters collected here include designs related to the anti-war movement, Black Power, women’s liberation, the Yippies, counterculture, the Democratic National Convention in Chicago, anti-imperialism, the Cuban Revolution, environmentalism, Bernie Sanders’ elections for Burlington mayor, anti-communism, the labor movement, corporate inequality, the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, and other topics. Of particular note are a series of posters created by the OSPAAAL, the Organisation in Solidarity with the People of Africa, Asia and Latin America, the main publisher of international solidarity posters in Cuba.
Source
A related resource from which the described resource is derived
Roz Payne
Physical Object
An inanimate, three-dimensional object or substance. Note that digital representations of, or surrogates for, these objects should use Moving Image, Still Image, Text or one of the other types.
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
Crime in the Streets
Subject
The topic of the resource
Anti-Vietnam War Movement
Description
An account of the resource
This wall poster was created in the lead-up to the November 1968 presidential election, in the wake of the 1968 Democratic National Convention demonstrations in Chicago. The poster details police repression against demonstrators, an upcoming boycott by high school students on election day, as well as National G.I. Week, which also coincided with the election.
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
unknown
Source
A related resource from which the described resource is derived
Roz Payne
Publisher
An entity responsible for making the resource available
Center for Digital Research in the Humanities, University of Nebraska-Lincoln
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1968
Format
The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource
poster
1968 election
Anti-War
boycott
Chicago '68
electoral politics
G.I. rights
National G.I. Week
Pigs
police
Police Brutality
protest
revolution
student strike
Vietnam War
-
https://rozsixties.unl.edu/files/original/576c41eede109883a440484635a58d5d.jpg
3b52b4de689a7ed652e46e28ea254e4e
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
Chicago '68 Daily Wall Poster
Subject
The topic of the resource
1968 Democratic Convention Protest in Chicago
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
unknown
Source
A related resource from which the described resource is derived
Roz Payne
Publisher
An entity responsible for making the resource available
Center for Digital Research in the Humanities, University of Nebraska-Lincoln
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1968
Format
The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource
poster
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
Posters and Graphic Design
Description
An account of the resource
The movements of the Sixties produced a rich history of political posters and other graphic arts. These posters were hung in political offices, bookstores, bedrooms and in public. The posters collected here include designs related to the anti-war movement, Black Power, women’s liberation, the Yippies, counterculture, the Democratic National Convention in Chicago, anti-imperialism, the Cuban Revolution, environmentalism, Bernie Sanders’ elections for Burlington mayor, anti-communism, the labor movement, corporate inequality, the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, and other topics. Of particular note are a series of posters created by the OSPAAAL, the Organisation in Solidarity with the People of Africa, Asia and Latin America, the main publisher of international solidarity posters in Cuba.
Source
A related resource from which the described resource is derived
Roz Payne
Physical Object
An inanimate, three-dimensional object or substance. Note that digital representations of, or surrogates for, these objects should use Moving Image, Still Image, Text or one of the other types.
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
Chicago '68 Democratic Convention Protest Update
Subject
The topic of the resource
Anti-Vietnam War Movement
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
unknown
Source
A related resource from which the described resource is derived
Roz Payne
Publisher
An entity responsible for making the resource available
Center for Digital Research in the Humanities, University of Nebraska-Lincoln
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1968
Format
The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource
poster
Description
An account of the resource
During the protests outside the 1968 Democratic Convention in Chicago, activists created wall posters to inform other demonstrators of what was happening.
Anti-War
Chicago
Chicago '68
Illinois
Vietnam War
wallposter
-
https://rozsixties.unl.edu/files/original/0906e7215b6bf6564dd745e7a85135c4.jpg
87a793491c57f227a4cac382d7a11e47
https://rozsixties.unl.edu/files/original/7942f892c8c21b0d3b4a409e582c886c.jpg
5471fd92a0bd22dab35084c90f2dd6c6
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
Leaflets, Flyers, Broadsides and Article Reprints
Description
An account of the resource
The social movements of the Sixties produced hundreds of leaflets, flyers, broadsides and reprinted articles. These items were an important part of movement culture and another important organizing tool for activists and organizations. They were mimeographed and circulated widely at meetings, through the mail and by hand.
Text
A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text.
Original Format
The type of object, such as painting, sculpture, paper, photo, and additional data
paper
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
Daley's Media
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Chicago Defense Fund
Source
A related resource from which the described resource is derived
Roz Payne
Type
The nature or genre of the resource
flyer
Subject
The topic of the resource
Yippes
Description
An account of the resource
This satirical flyer from the Yippies addresses politics repression during the 1968 Chicago Democratic National Convention.
Publisher
An entity responsible for making the resource available
Center for Digital Research in the Humanities, University of Nebraska-Lincoln
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
ca. 1968
Format
The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource
mimeograph
Chicago
Chicago '68
Chicago 7
Chicago Defense Fund
counterculture
Illinois
Police Brutality
Yippies
-
https://rozsixties.unl.edu/files/original/638bd913dcce63ba1639345e57ff6327.jpg
17b3f1107077c6ab8c6dfac9bebf7be6
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
Buttons
Description
An account of the resource
Buttons were one of the most popular and pervasive forms of political messaging during the 1960s, combining brief messaging and memorable graphic designs. Buttons were inexpensive to produce on a mass basis and easy to distribute. They afforded any individual an opportunity to voice their opinions and, potentially, reach a broad audience. As Hunter Oatman-Stanford has written, “From discreet lapel pins to oversized buttons on purses or backpacks, pinbacks invite conversation by declaring potentially controversial viewpoints to complete strangers.” In this way, buttons were (and still are) a particularly democratic form of political propaganda.
As button collector, John Aisthorpe, has put it, buttons offer “a little snapshot of history.” During the 1960s, buttons were vital to the visual identity of a range of movements. “There were many protest groups who put their views on buttons,” Aisthorpe recalls, “from the early ’60s with the Free Speech Movement (FSM) to the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC), Students for a Democratic Society (SDS) and, later, the Veterans for Peace, the Fifth Avenue Vietnam Peace Parade Committee, and the Yippies.” The political impact of buttons in the 1960s is hard to gauge, though their popularity suggests some modicum of significance. And, as Aisthorpe has asserted, “It’s hard to say what impact they had, but the text of buttons worn at protests were often used as antiwar chants, like ‘Hell no, we won’t go!’… They must have had some effect.” The buttons of the 1960s have remained some of the most enduring relics from this important past.
This collection includes buttons from a wide array of movements from the Sixties, including the student movement, civil rights and Black Power movements, women's liberation, environmentalism, the anti-nuclear movement, gay liberation, electoral politics, the Chicano movement, the labor movement and the counterculture, with a strong emphasis on the anti-war movement. In addition, a few buttons date from Roz Payne’s activist efforts in the 1970s and 1980s, including the early political campaigns of Vermont politician, Bernie Sanders.
Physical Object
An inanimate, three-dimensional object or substance. Note that digital representations of, or surrogates for, these objects should use Moving Image, Still Image, Text or one of the other types.
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
See You in Chicago
Description
An account of the resource
This button, which reads “See You in Chicago - Aug.’68” on an orange field, advertises planned protests by anti-war and civil rights activists at the August 1968 Democratic National Convention in Chicago. The protests degenerated into a police riot when Democratic mayor and party stalwart, Richard Daley, ordered an estimated 23,000 riot-clad police officers to attack roughly 10,000 demonstrators in and near Grant Park. The chaos outside of the convention hall, which was broadcast across the country and around the world, took place against the backdrop of growing public opposition to America’s War in Vietnam, the blossoming of the anti-war movement, increasing disillusionment with the Democratic Party and what many viewed as the slow rate of meaningful social change, as well as the shocking assassinations of Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr., and Senator Robert F. Kennedy, earlier that year. The tumultuous convention resulted in the nomination of Hubert H. Humphrey and Edmund S. Muskie as his running-mate. Republican standard-bearer, Richard Nixon, won the fall election, capping one of the more unlikely political comebacks in recent U.S. history.
Source
A related resource from which the described resource is derived
Roz Payne
Publisher
An entity responsible for making the resource available
Center for Digital Research in the Humanities, University of Nebraska-Lincoln
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1968
Format
The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource
Button
Type
The nature or genre of the resource
Physical Object
Subject
The topic of the resource
New Left
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
unknown
1968 election
Chicago '68
Democratic Party
electoral politics
politics
protest
-
https://rozsixties.unl.edu/files/original/d2d933c4df6e4dc37718a926913ca311.jpg
25a3a6c2b9c27b83e110ff18c1f6de76
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
Buttons
Description
An account of the resource
Buttons were one of the most popular and pervasive forms of political messaging during the 1960s, combining brief messaging and memorable graphic designs. Buttons were inexpensive to produce on a mass basis and easy to distribute. They afforded any individual an opportunity to voice their opinions and, potentially, reach a broad audience. As Hunter Oatman-Stanford has written, “From discreet lapel pins to oversized buttons on purses or backpacks, pinbacks invite conversation by declaring potentially controversial viewpoints to complete strangers.” In this way, buttons were (and still are) a particularly democratic form of political propaganda.
As button collector, John Aisthorpe, has put it, buttons offer “a little snapshot of history.” During the 1960s, buttons were vital to the visual identity of a range of movements. “There were many protest groups who put their views on buttons,” Aisthorpe recalls, “from the early ’60s with the Free Speech Movement (FSM) to the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC), Students for a Democratic Society (SDS) and, later, the Veterans for Peace, the Fifth Avenue Vietnam Peace Parade Committee, and the Yippies.” The political impact of buttons in the 1960s is hard to gauge, though their popularity suggests some modicum of significance. And, as Aisthorpe has asserted, “It’s hard to say what impact they had, but the text of buttons worn at protests were often used as antiwar chants, like ‘Hell no, we won’t go!’… They must have had some effect.” The buttons of the 1960s have remained some of the most enduring relics from this important past.
This collection includes buttons from a wide array of movements from the Sixties, including the student movement, civil rights and Black Power movements, women's liberation, environmentalism, the anti-nuclear movement, gay liberation, electoral politics, the Chicano movement, the labor movement and the counterculture, with a strong emphasis on the anti-war movement. In addition, a few buttons date from Roz Payne’s activist efforts in the 1970s and 1980s, including the early political campaigns of Vermont politician, Bernie Sanders.
Physical Object
An inanimate, three-dimensional object or substance. Note that digital representations of, or surrogates for, these objects should use Moving Image, Still Image, Text or one of the other types.
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
Abbie! Toronto Crew ‘98
Description
An account of the resource
Written, produced, and starring Bern Cohen, the play Abbie! commemorates the life of Youth International Party founder and 60s icon, Abbie Hoffman. Hoffman’s long history in social and political activism is most well-known for his role in the 1968 police riot outside the Democratic National Convention in Chicago. Hoffman and his fellow Yippies practiced a kind of absurdist, anarchic and often theatrical approach to social critique and activism. For example, at the 1968 convention, the Yippies nominated a pig, "Pigasus," for U.S. President.
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Abbie Production Team
Source
A related resource from which the described resource is derived
Roz Payne
Publisher
An entity responsible for making the resource available
Center for Digital Research in the Humanities, University of Nebraska-Lincoln
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1998
Format
The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource
Button
Type
The nature or genre of the resource
Physical Object
Subject
The topic of the resource
Yippies
Abbie Hoffman
arts
Chicago
Chicago '68
counterculture
Pigasus
protest
theater
Toronto
Yippies
Youth International Party
-
https://rozsixties.unl.edu/files/original/912788d33bc0157247b79a0f4054098d.jpg
740272bc76484abc225c05df363f47c8
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
Buttons
Description
An account of the resource
Buttons were one of the most popular and pervasive forms of political messaging during the 1960s, combining brief messaging and memorable graphic designs. Buttons were inexpensive to produce on a mass basis and easy to distribute. They afforded any individual an opportunity to voice their opinions and, potentially, reach a broad audience. As Hunter Oatman-Stanford has written, “From discreet lapel pins to oversized buttons on purses or backpacks, pinbacks invite conversation by declaring potentially controversial viewpoints to complete strangers.” In this way, buttons were (and still are) a particularly democratic form of political propaganda.
As button collector, John Aisthorpe, has put it, buttons offer “a little snapshot of history.” During the 1960s, buttons were vital to the visual identity of a range of movements. “There were many protest groups who put their views on buttons,” Aisthorpe recalls, “from the early ’60s with the Free Speech Movement (FSM) to the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC), Students for a Democratic Society (SDS) and, later, the Veterans for Peace, the Fifth Avenue Vietnam Peace Parade Committee, and the Yippies.” The political impact of buttons in the 1960s is hard to gauge, though their popularity suggests some modicum of significance. And, as Aisthorpe has asserted, “It’s hard to say what impact they had, but the text of buttons worn at protests were often used as antiwar chants, like ‘Hell no, we won’t go!’… They must have had some effect.” The buttons of the 1960s have remained some of the most enduring relics from this important past.
This collection includes buttons from a wide array of movements from the Sixties, including the student movement, civil rights and Black Power movements, women's liberation, environmentalism, the anti-nuclear movement, gay liberation, electoral politics, the Chicano movement, the labor movement and the counterculture, with a strong emphasis on the anti-war movement. In addition, a few buttons date from Roz Payne’s activist efforts in the 1970s and 1980s, including the early political campaigns of Vermont politician, Bernie Sanders.
Physical Object
An inanimate, three-dimensional object or substance. Note that digital representations of, or surrogates for, these objects should use Moving Image, Still Image, Text or one of the other types.
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
Anti-War Referendum
Description
An account of the resource
During the mid-1960s, the Fifth Avenue Vietnam Peace Parade organized dozens of peace and anti-war groups in a series of anti-war parades, “peace-ins,” an anti-war referendum, and other events. Like many organizations during this period, the group targeted university and college campuses in order to rally support against the Vietnam War. Dave Dellinger, who would later gain notoriety as a member of the Chicago 7 during the 1968 Democratic Party Convention in Chicago, and Norma Becker, who worked for the War Resisters League, led the group.
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Fifth Ave. Vietnam Peace Parade Committee
Source
A related resource from which the described resource is derived
Roz Payne
Publisher
An entity responsible for making the resource available
Center for Digital Research in the Humanities, University of Nebraska-Lincoln
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1968
Format
The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource
Button
Type
The nature or genre of the resource
Physical Object
Anti-War
Anti-War Referendum
Chicago '68
Chicago 7
Dave Dellinger
Fifth Avenue Vietnam Peace Parade Committee
New Left
New York
Norma Becker
parade
protest
Vietnam War
War Resisters Leagu
-
https://rozsixties.unl.edu/files/original/49daece175f19d4222a65824663374c1.jpg
c0e63a5d2260f26cbc0472feea37212b
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
Buttons
Description
An account of the resource
Buttons were one of the most popular and pervasive forms of political messaging during the 1960s, combining brief messaging and memorable graphic designs. Buttons were inexpensive to produce on a mass basis and easy to distribute. They afforded any individual an opportunity to voice their opinions and, potentially, reach a broad audience. As Hunter Oatman-Stanford has written, “From discreet lapel pins to oversized buttons on purses or backpacks, pinbacks invite conversation by declaring potentially controversial viewpoints to complete strangers.” In this way, buttons were (and still are) a particularly democratic form of political propaganda.
As button collector, John Aisthorpe, has put it, buttons offer “a little snapshot of history.” During the 1960s, buttons were vital to the visual identity of a range of movements. “There were many protest groups who put their views on buttons,” Aisthorpe recalls, “from the early ’60s with the Free Speech Movement (FSM) to the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC), Students for a Democratic Society (SDS) and, later, the Veterans for Peace, the Fifth Avenue Vietnam Peace Parade Committee, and the Yippies.” The political impact of buttons in the 1960s is hard to gauge, though their popularity suggests some modicum of significance. And, as Aisthorpe has asserted, “It’s hard to say what impact they had, but the text of buttons worn at protests were often used as antiwar chants, like ‘Hell no, we won’t go!’… They must have had some effect.” The buttons of the 1960s have remained some of the most enduring relics from this important past.
This collection includes buttons from a wide array of movements from the Sixties, including the student movement, civil rights and Black Power movements, women's liberation, environmentalism, the anti-nuclear movement, gay liberation, electoral politics, the Chicano movement, the labor movement and the counterculture, with a strong emphasis on the anti-war movement. In addition, a few buttons date from Roz Payne’s activist efforts in the 1970s and 1980s, including the early political campaigns of Vermont politician, Bernie Sanders.
Physical Object
An inanimate, three-dimensional object or substance. Note that digital representations of, or surrogates for, these objects should use Moving Image, Still Image, Text or one of the other types.
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
Mobilization to End the War Now
Description
An account of the resource
During the summer of 1966, the Inter-University Committee for Debate on Foreign Policy held a national conference for opponents of the War in Vietnam in Cleveland, Ohio. Activists at that meeting formed the November 8th Mobilization Committee to raise awareness about the increasingly brutal war in Southeast Asia during the fall election cycle and cultivate a broad-based national antiwar coalition that could mobilize large-scale anti-war demonstration in the U.S. Longtime pacifist and anti-war activist, A.J. Muste, was elected founding chairman of the group, while other notable anti-war figures also played leadership roles, including Dave Dellinger, the editor of Liberation magazine, and Robert Greenblatt, a professor at Cornell University. According to the organization’s newspaper, The Mobilizer, Muste was chosen because he “earned the respect of virtually every sector of the social protest movements in this country, displaying leadership in his work as a pacifist, radical, labor and civil rights [activist.]” Muste was particularly adept at synthesizing the competing philosophical and strategic approaches of individual groups within the broader coalition.
Following the November 1966 elections, the organization changed its name to the Spring Mobilization Committee to End the War in Vietnam, often referred to as “The MOBE.” The Spring Mobilization Committee was a broad anti-war coalition made up of students, unionists, progressive religious leaders, civil rights and black power groups, women’s organizations, Third World communities, and other members of “oppressed” constituencies, and was tasked with organizing massive demonstrations in New York City and San Francisco on April 15, 1967. Civil Rights and anti-war leader, Rev. James Bevel, now led the organization following the death of A.J. Muste in February of 1967. The April 15 protests attracted an estimated 500,000 participants (400,000+ in New York and 75-100,000 in San Francisco), marking the event as one of the largest days of anti-war protest of the Vietnam War era. The organizers of the Spring Mobilization Committee sought to combine mass action with local community organizing. Each participating group had distinct interests, spurring a variety of internal challenges and sometimes conflicts, which reveal many of the important fault lines within the New Left of the late-1960s.
The April demonstrations were peaceful, with only five recorded arrests, all of people who opposed the demonstration. During the event in New York, Martin Luther King, Jr. Floyd McKissick, Stokely Carmichael and Dr. Benjamin Spock all gave speeches in front of the United Nations critiquing U.S. involvement in the war as well as the socioeconomic politics of the draft. Prior to the march, young men burned nearly 200 draft cards in Central Park. At the San Francisco event, Black nationalists led a march of mostly white demonstrators.
At a conference in the wake of the April demonstrations, the group again changed its name, this time to the National Mobilization Committee to End the War in Vietnam, which functioned as a permanent national organizing committee to bring together existing anti-war groups, spur the creation of new ones and develop strategies to promote the anti-war movement among everyday Americans. The National Mobe, which adhered to a non-violent philosophy at a time when a growing number of other anti-war groups were questioning the effectiveness of non-violence, had headquarters in New York and San Francisco, as well as an office in Los Angeles.
Between 1967 and 1969, The MOBE continued to play a central role organizing and participating in several important anti-war actions. In October of 1967, MOBE participated in a protest at the Pentagon, which attracted more than 150,000 people and resulted in more than 700 arrests and numerous claims of police brutality. This effort to “confront the warmakers” was notable for the presence of anti-war activists and counter-culturalists, particularly the Yippies, who sought to “levitate” the Pentagon. In April 1968, MOBE supported SDS’s “Ten Days of Protest” and that August, MOBE had a significant presence at the anti-war protests that rocked the Democratic National Convention in Chicago. In January of 1969, the organization, now called the New Mobilization Committee to End the War, or New MOBE, participated in the anti-Nixon demonstrations that took place during his inauguration in in Washington, D.C. And on October 15 and November 15, 1969, MOBE organized the Moratorium to End the War in Vietnam. The October event attracted hundreds of thousands of participants to demonstrations and “teach-ins” in cities across the country and beyond, with the largest gathering taking place in Boston, where more than 100,000 listened to anti-war Senator George McGovern. The November event drew more than 500,000 anti-war supporters to Washington, D.C., including a number of celebrities and performers. MOBE also coordinated a national anti-draft week between March 16 and March 22, 1970, but by that time, the group had begun to lose strength and ultimately dissolved, with some members drifting into the People’s Coalition for Peace and other joining the National Peace Coalition.
Here is a news footage of the April 15, 1967, march in New York:
https://www.youtube.com/watch?time_continue=18&v=40m5gBgwjQE
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
National Mobilization Committee to End the War
Source
A related resource from which the described resource is derived
Roz Payne
Publisher
An entity responsible for making the resource available
Center for Digital Research in the Humanities, University of Nebraska-Lincoln
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1967
Format
The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource
Button
Type
The nature or genre of the resource
Physical Object
Subject
The topic of the resource
Anti-War Movement
A.J. Muste
Anti-Draft Week
Anti-War
Benjamin Spock
black nationalism
California
Central Park
Chicago '68
Cleveland
Dave Dellinger
demonstration
Floyd McKissick
George McGovern
Inter-University Committee for Debate on Foreign Policy
James Bevel
Los Angeles
Martin Luther King Jr.
MOBE
Mobilization to End the War Now
Moratorium to End the War in Vietnam
National Mobilization Committee
National Mobilization Committee to End the War in Vietnam
National Peace Coalition
New Left
New MOBE
New Mobilization Committee to End the War in Vietnam
November 8th Mobilization Committee
Ohio
Pentagon
People’s Coalition for Peace
protest
Richard Nixon
Robert Greenblatt
San Francisco
SDS
Spring Mobilization Committee to End the War in Vietnam
Stokely Carmichael
Students for a Democratic Society
teach-in
Ten Days of Protest
The Mobilizer
United Nations
Vietnam War
Yippies
-
https://rozsixties.unl.edu/files/original/0eaa8cf4990bfc4ea3d57cadfea1f926.jpg
23f7a10e610b1a1593c3192c9a485dad
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
Buttons
Description
An account of the resource
Buttons were one of the most popular and pervasive forms of political messaging during the 1960s, combining brief messaging and memorable graphic designs. Buttons were inexpensive to produce on a mass basis and easy to distribute. They afforded any individual an opportunity to voice their opinions and, potentially, reach a broad audience. As Hunter Oatman-Stanford has written, “From discreet lapel pins to oversized buttons on purses or backpacks, pinbacks invite conversation by declaring potentially controversial viewpoints to complete strangers.” In this way, buttons were (and still are) a particularly democratic form of political propaganda.
As button collector, John Aisthorpe, has put it, buttons offer “a little snapshot of history.” During the 1960s, buttons were vital to the visual identity of a range of movements. “There were many protest groups who put their views on buttons,” Aisthorpe recalls, “from the early ’60s with the Free Speech Movement (FSM) to the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC), Students for a Democratic Society (SDS) and, later, the Veterans for Peace, the Fifth Avenue Vietnam Peace Parade Committee, and the Yippies.” The political impact of buttons in the 1960s is hard to gauge, though their popularity suggests some modicum of significance. And, as Aisthorpe has asserted, “It’s hard to say what impact they had, but the text of buttons worn at protests were often used as antiwar chants, like ‘Hell no, we won’t go!’… They must have had some effect.” The buttons of the 1960s have remained some of the most enduring relics from this important past.
This collection includes buttons from a wide array of movements from the Sixties, including the student movement, civil rights and Black Power movements, women's liberation, environmentalism, the anti-nuclear movement, gay liberation, electoral politics, the Chicano movement, the labor movement and the counterculture, with a strong emphasis on the anti-war movement. In addition, a few buttons date from Roz Payne’s activist efforts in the 1970s and 1980s, including the early political campaigns of Vermont politician, Bernie Sanders.
Physical Object
An inanimate, three-dimensional object or substance. Note that digital representations of, or surrogates for, these objects should use Moving Image, Still Image, Text or one of the other types.
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
Revolution for the Hell of It
Description
An account of the resource
Revolution for the Hell of It, a guidebook by Abbie Hoffman, chronicles his involvement in the Youth International Party as well as his trial as a part of the Chicago Seven following the turmoil surrounding the 1968 Democratic National Convention.
Source
A related resource from which the described resource is derived
Roz Payne
Publisher
An entity responsible for making the resource available
Center for Digital Research in the Humanities, University of Nebraska-Lincoln
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1968
Format
The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource
Button
Type
The nature or genre of the resource
Physical Object
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Youth International Party
Subject
The topic of the resource
Counterculture and Anti-Vietnam War Movement
Abbie Hoffman
Anti-War
Chicago '68
Chicago 7
counterculture
Vietnam War
Yippies
-
https://rozsixties.unl.edu/files/original/0139a6c4f429542a7074e34c4635ee61.jpg
9ffc1ca129e138bb24e13e70dff553e8
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
Buttons
Description
An account of the resource
Buttons were one of the most popular and pervasive forms of political messaging during the 1960s, combining brief messaging and memorable graphic designs. Buttons were inexpensive to produce on a mass basis and easy to distribute. They afforded any individual an opportunity to voice their opinions and, potentially, reach a broad audience. As Hunter Oatman-Stanford has written, “From discreet lapel pins to oversized buttons on purses or backpacks, pinbacks invite conversation by declaring potentially controversial viewpoints to complete strangers.” In this way, buttons were (and still are) a particularly democratic form of political propaganda.
As button collector, John Aisthorpe, has put it, buttons offer “a little snapshot of history.” During the 1960s, buttons were vital to the visual identity of a range of movements. “There were many protest groups who put their views on buttons,” Aisthorpe recalls, “from the early ’60s with the Free Speech Movement (FSM) to the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC), Students for a Democratic Society (SDS) and, later, the Veterans for Peace, the Fifth Avenue Vietnam Peace Parade Committee, and the Yippies.” The political impact of buttons in the 1960s is hard to gauge, though their popularity suggests some modicum of significance. And, as Aisthorpe has asserted, “It’s hard to say what impact they had, but the text of buttons worn at protests were often used as antiwar chants, like ‘Hell no, we won’t go!’… They must have had some effect.” The buttons of the 1960s have remained some of the most enduring relics from this important past.
This collection includes buttons from a wide array of movements from the Sixties, including the student movement, civil rights and Black Power movements, women's liberation, environmentalism, the anti-nuclear movement, gay liberation, electoral politics, the Chicano movement, the labor movement and the counterculture, with a strong emphasis on the anti-war movement. In addition, a few buttons date from Roz Payne’s activist efforts in the 1970s and 1980s, including the early political campaigns of Vermont politician, Bernie Sanders.
Physical Object
An inanimate, three-dimensional object or substance. Note that digital representations of, or surrogates for, these objects should use Moving Image, Still Image, Text or one of the other types.
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
NLG v. FBI
Description
An account of the resource
The National Lawyers Guild was formed in 1937 as a network of progressive lawyers interested in “human rights over property rights.” During the 1930s and 1940s, the NLG was involved in defending labor rights, fighting fascism in Spain and helping prosecute Nazis during the Nuremburg Trials. They also fought for racial justice and helped draft the U.N.’s Declaration on Human Rights. In the late-1940s and 1950s, the NLG pioneered storefront law offices for low-income people and defended many victims of the McCarthyite attacks on civil liberties, the Rosenbergs and Hollywood Ten.
According to the NLG website, “In the 1960s, the Guild set up offices in the South and organized thousands of volunteer lawyers and law students to support the civil rights movement long before the federal government or other bar associations were involved. Guild members represented the families of murdered civil rights activists Schwerner, Chaney, and Goodman, who had heeded the Guild’s call to join the civil rights struggle and were assassinated by local law enforcement/Ku Klux Klan members.
Lawsuits initiated by the National Lawyers Guild brought the Kennedy Justice Department directly into the civil rights struggle in Mississippi and challenged the seating of the all-white Mississippi delegation at the 1964 Democratic Convention. Guild lawyers defended thousands of civil rights activists who were arrested for exercising basic rights and established new federal constitutional protections in groundbreaking Supreme Court cases such as Dombrowski v. Pfister, which enjoined thousands of racially motivated state court criminal prosecutions; Goldberg v. Kelly, the case that established the concept of “entitlements” to social benefits that require Due Process protections; and Monell v. Department of Social Services, which held municipalities liable for brutal police officers.
In the late 1960s and early 1970s, Guild members represented Vietnam War draft resisters, antiwar activists, and the Chicago 7 after the 1968 Chicago Democratic Convention. Guild offices in Asia represented GIs who opposed the war. Guild members argued U.S. v. U.S. District Court, the Supreme Court case that established that Nixon could not ignore the Bill of Rights in the name of “national security” and that led to the Watergate hearings and his eventual resignation.
Guild members defended FBI-targeted members of the Black Panther Party, the American Indian Movement, and the Puerto Rican independence movement and helped expose illegal FBI and CIA surveillance, infiltration, and disruption tactics that the U.S. Senate Church Commission detailed in the 1975-76 COINTELPRO hearings, which led to enactment of the Freedom of Information Act and other specific limitations on federal investigative power.” (https://nlgmass.org/nlg-national-history/)
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
National Lawyers Guild
Source
A related resource from which the described resource is derived
Roz Payne
Publisher
An entity responsible for making the resource available
Center for Digital Research in the Humanities, University of Nebraska-Lincoln
Format
The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource
Button
Type
The nature or genre of the resource
Physical Object
Subject
The topic of the resource
Civil Liberties and Legal Justice
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
late-1960s or early-1970s
and Goodman
Black Panther Party
Chaney
Chicago '68
Chicago 7
civil liberties
Civil Rights
COINTELPRO
Declaration on Human Right
fascism
FBI
Goldberg v. Kelly
Hollywood Ten
Ku Klux Klan
labor movement
McCarthyism
Monell v. Department of Social Services
National Lawyers Guild
Nazism
Nuremberg Trials
Poverty
Puerto Rican Independence
Racial Justice
Rosenbergs
Schwerner
SNCC
Spain
-
https://rozsixties.unl.edu/files/original/0895a74f558cbb85621cdc61005ff84c.jpg
d781f2c2bf66a6c1b0a6da329d358907
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
Buttons
Description
An account of the resource
Buttons were one of the most popular and pervasive forms of political messaging during the 1960s, combining brief messaging and memorable graphic designs. Buttons were inexpensive to produce on a mass basis and easy to distribute. They afforded any individual an opportunity to voice their opinions and, potentially, reach a broad audience. As Hunter Oatman-Stanford has written, “From discreet lapel pins to oversized buttons on purses or backpacks, pinbacks invite conversation by declaring potentially controversial viewpoints to complete strangers.” In this way, buttons were (and still are) a particularly democratic form of political propaganda.
As button collector, John Aisthorpe, has put it, buttons offer “a little snapshot of history.” During the 1960s, buttons were vital to the visual identity of a range of movements. “There were many protest groups who put their views on buttons,” Aisthorpe recalls, “from the early ’60s with the Free Speech Movement (FSM) to the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC), Students for a Democratic Society (SDS) and, later, the Veterans for Peace, the Fifth Avenue Vietnam Peace Parade Committee, and the Yippies.” The political impact of buttons in the 1960s is hard to gauge, though their popularity suggests some modicum of significance. And, as Aisthorpe has asserted, “It’s hard to say what impact they had, but the text of buttons worn at protests were often used as antiwar chants, like ‘Hell no, we won’t go!’… They must have had some effect.” The buttons of the 1960s have remained some of the most enduring relics from this important past.
This collection includes buttons from a wide array of movements from the Sixties, including the student movement, civil rights and Black Power movements, women's liberation, environmentalism, the anti-nuclear movement, gay liberation, electoral politics, the Chicano movement, the labor movement and the counterculture, with a strong emphasis on the anti-war movement. In addition, a few buttons date from Roz Payne’s activist efforts in the 1970s and 1980s, including the early political campaigns of Vermont politician, Bernie Sanders.
Physical Object
An inanimate, three-dimensional object or substance. Note that digital representations of, or surrogates for, these objects should use Moving Image, Still Image, Text or one of the other types.
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
Inauguration Washington
Description
An account of the resource
At the Democratic National Convention in Chicago in August 1968, as a part of the broader protest against the Democratic Party and the War in Vietnam, the Youth International Party, or Yippies, satirically nominated a pig - "Pigasus" - for U.S. president. Abbie Hoffman, Jerry Rubin, Dennis Dalrymple and other Yippie pranksters argued, with tongues firmly planted in cheeks, that Pigasus could "really bring home the pork" and "if we can't have him in the White House, we can have him for breakfast." The 1968 stunt typified the Yippies' absurdist, theatrical approach to protest, as well as their mix of New Left politics and counterculturalism.
The image and rhetoric of the "pig" was popular among a range of New Left radicals during the late-1960s and into the 1970s to signify illegitimate, repressive and militaristic state authority, particularly police forces and government officials. The Black Panther Party, Students for a Democratic Society, Yippies and other counterculturists are most well-known for their use of the "pig" caricature, though the image and rhetoric of the "pig" was widely employed across the New Left and counterculture during this period.
Here, the campaign-style "Vote Pig" button serves as a humorous theatrical tool to critique the contemporary state of U.S. politics.
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Youth International Party
Source
A related resource from which the described resource is derived
Roz Payne
Publisher
An entity responsible for making the resource available
Center for Digital Research in the Humanities, University of Nebraska-Lincoln
Format
The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource
Button
Type
The nature or genre of the resource
Physical Object
Subject
The topic of the resource
New Left
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
ca. 1968
1968 election
Abbie Hoffman
Anti-War
Black Panther Party
Chicago '68
Democratic Party
Dennis Dalrymple
Jerry Rubin
Pigasus
SDS
Yippies
-
https://rozsixties.unl.edu/files/original/77512e7c991981e46afa5821adc9432f.jpg
514037d7de7768082a553ec99327257c
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
Buttons
Description
An account of the resource
Buttons were one of the most popular and pervasive forms of political messaging during the 1960s, combining brief messaging and memorable graphic designs. Buttons were inexpensive to produce on a mass basis and easy to distribute. They afforded any individual an opportunity to voice their opinions and, potentially, reach a broad audience. As Hunter Oatman-Stanford has written, “From discreet lapel pins to oversized buttons on purses or backpacks, pinbacks invite conversation by declaring potentially controversial viewpoints to complete strangers.” In this way, buttons were (and still are) a particularly democratic form of political propaganda.
As button collector, John Aisthorpe, has put it, buttons offer “a little snapshot of history.” During the 1960s, buttons were vital to the visual identity of a range of movements. “There were many protest groups who put their views on buttons,” Aisthorpe recalls, “from the early ’60s with the Free Speech Movement (FSM) to the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC), Students for a Democratic Society (SDS) and, later, the Veterans for Peace, the Fifth Avenue Vietnam Peace Parade Committee, and the Yippies.” The political impact of buttons in the 1960s is hard to gauge, though their popularity suggests some modicum of significance. And, as Aisthorpe has asserted, “It’s hard to say what impact they had, but the text of buttons worn at protests were often used as antiwar chants, like ‘Hell no, we won’t go!’… They must have had some effect.” The buttons of the 1960s have remained some of the most enduring relics from this important past.
This collection includes buttons from a wide array of movements from the Sixties, including the student movement, civil rights and Black Power movements, women's liberation, environmentalism, the anti-nuclear movement, gay liberation, electoral politics, the Chicano movement, the labor movement and the counterculture, with a strong emphasis on the anti-war movement. In addition, a few buttons date from Roz Payne’s activist efforts in the 1970s and 1980s, including the early political campaigns of Vermont politician, Bernie Sanders.
Physical Object
An inanimate, three-dimensional object or substance. Note that digital representations of, or surrogates for, these objects should use Moving Image, Still Image, Text or one of the other types.
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
See You In Chicago
Description
An account of the resource
In August 1968, the Yippies and other New Left groups organized a large protest against the Democratic Party during their national convention in Chicago. The protests gained international attention when police attacked demonstrators in front of the media.
Source
A related resource from which the described resource is derived
Roz Payne
Publisher
An entity responsible for making the resource available
Center for Digital Research in the Humanities, University of Nebraska-Lincoln
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
ca. 1968
Format
The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource
Button
Type
The nature or genre of the resource
Physical Object
Subject
The topic of the resource
New Left and Anti-War Movement
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
unknown
Chicago
Chicago '68
Democratic Party
Illinois
New Left
Police Brutality
Yippies
-
https://rozsixties.unl.edu/files/original/531d049859e815e8a1553ddb35a66bf6.jpg
1cc2247f6e034f725a36746a8611f9e8
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
Buttons
Description
An account of the resource
Buttons were one of the most popular and pervasive forms of political messaging during the 1960s, combining brief messaging and memorable graphic designs. Buttons were inexpensive to produce on a mass basis and easy to distribute. They afforded any individual an opportunity to voice their opinions and, potentially, reach a broad audience. As Hunter Oatman-Stanford has written, “From discreet lapel pins to oversized buttons on purses or backpacks, pinbacks invite conversation by declaring potentially controversial viewpoints to complete strangers.” In this way, buttons were (and still are) a particularly democratic form of political propaganda.
As button collector, John Aisthorpe, has put it, buttons offer “a little snapshot of history.” During the 1960s, buttons were vital to the visual identity of a range of movements. “There were many protest groups who put their views on buttons,” Aisthorpe recalls, “from the early ’60s with the Free Speech Movement (FSM) to the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC), Students for a Democratic Society (SDS) and, later, the Veterans for Peace, the Fifth Avenue Vietnam Peace Parade Committee, and the Yippies.” The political impact of buttons in the 1960s is hard to gauge, though their popularity suggests some modicum of significance. And, as Aisthorpe has asserted, “It’s hard to say what impact they had, but the text of buttons worn at protests were often used as antiwar chants, like ‘Hell no, we won’t go!’… They must have had some effect.” The buttons of the 1960s have remained some of the most enduring relics from this important past.
This collection includes buttons from a wide array of movements from the Sixties, including the student movement, civil rights and Black Power movements, women's liberation, environmentalism, the anti-nuclear movement, gay liberation, electoral politics, the Chicano movement, the labor movement and the counterculture, with a strong emphasis on the anti-war movement. In addition, a few buttons date from Roz Payne’s activist efforts in the 1970s and 1980s, including the early political campaigns of Vermont politician, Bernie Sanders.
Physical Object
An inanimate, three-dimensional object or substance. Note that digital representations of, or surrogates for, these objects should use Moving Image, Still Image, Text or one of the other types.
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
Anti-draft Week
Description
An account of the resource
During the summer of 1966, the Inter-University Committee for Debate on Foreign Policy held a national conference for opponents of the War in Vietnam in Cleveland, Ohio. Activists at that meeting formed the November 8th Mobilization Committee to raise awareness about the increasingly brutal war in Southeast Asia during the fall election cycle and cultivate a broad-based national antiwar coalition that could mobilize large-scale anti-war demonstration in the U.S. Longtime pacifist and anti-war activist, A.J. Muste, was elected founding chairman of the group, while other notable anti-war figures also played leadership roles, including Dave Dellinger, the editor of Liberation magazine, and Robert Greenblatt, a professor at Cornell University. According to the organization’s newspaper, The Mobilizer, Muste was chosen because he “earned the respect of virtually every sector of the social protest movements in this country, displaying leadership in his work as a pacifist, radical, labor and civil rights [activist.]” Muste was particularly adept at synthesizing the competing philosophical and strategic approaches of individual groups within the broader coalition.
Following the November 1966 elections, the organization changed its name to the Spring Mobilization Committee to End the War in Vietnam, often referred to as “The MOBE.” The Spring Mobilization Committee was a broad anti-war coalition made up of students, unionists, progressive religious leaders, civil rights and black power groups, women’s organizations, Third World communities, and other members of “oppressed” constituencies, and was tasked with organizing massive demonstrations in New York City and San Francisco on April 15, 1967. Civil Rights and anti-war leader, Rev. James Bevel, now led the organization following the death of A.J. Muste in February of 1967. The April 15 protests attracted an estimated 500,000 participants (400,000+ in New York and 75-100,000 in San Francisco), marking the event as one of the largest days of anti-war protest of the Vietnam War era. The organizers of the Spring Mobilization Committee sought to combine mass action with local community organizing. Each participating group had distinct interests, spurring a variety of internal challenges and sometimes conflicts, which reveal many of the important fault lines within the New Left of the late-1960s.
The April demonstrations were peaceful, with only five recorded arrests, all of people who opposed the demonstration. During the event in New York, Martin Luther King, Jr. Floyd McKissick, Stokely Carmichael and Dr. Benjamin Spock all gave speeches in front of the United Nations critiquing U.S. involvement in the war as well as the socioeconomic politics of the draft. Prior to the march, young men burned nearly 200 draft cards in Central Park. At the San Francisco event, Black nationalists led a march of mostly white demonstrators.
At a conference in the wake of the April demonstrations, the group again changed its name, this time to the National Mobilization Committee to End the War in Vietnam, which functioned as a permanent national organizing committee to bring together existing anti-war groups, spur the creation of new ones and develop strategies to promote the anti-war movement among everyday Americans. The National Mobe, which adhered to a non-violent philosophy at a time when a growing number of other anti-war groups were questioning the effectiveness of non-violence, had headquarters in New York and San Francisco, as well as an office in Los Angeles.
Between 1967 and 1969, The MOBE continued to play a central role organizing and participating in several important anti-war actions. In October of 1967, MOBE participated in a protest at the Pentagon, which attracted more than 150,000 people and resulted in more than 700 arrests and numerous claims of police brutality. This effort to “confront the warmakers” was notable for the presence of anti-war activists and counter-culturalists, particularly the Yippies, who sought to “levitate” the Pentagon. In April 1968, MOBE supported SDS’s “Ten Days of Protest” and that August, MOBE had a significant presence at the anti-war protests that rocked the Democratic National Convention in Chicago. In January of 1969, the organization, now called the New Mobilization Committee to End the War, or New MOBE, participated in the anti-Nixon demonstrations that took place during his inauguration in in Washington, D.C. And on October 15 and November 15, 1969, MOBE organized the Moratorium to End the War in Vietnam. The October event attracted hundreds of thousands of participants to demonstrations and “teach-ins” in cities across the country and beyond, with the largest gathering taking place in Boston, where more than 100,000 listened to anti-war Senator George McGovern. The November event drew more than 500,000 anti-war supporters to Washington, D.C., including a number of celebrities and performers. MOBE also coordinated a national anti-draft week between March 16 and March 22, 1970, but by that time, the group had begun to lose strength and ultimately dissolved, with some members drifting into the People’s Coalition for Peace and other joining the National Peace Coalition.
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
New Mobe
Source
A related resource from which the described resource is derived
Roz Payne
Publisher
An entity responsible for making the resource available
Center for Digital Research in the Humanities, University of Nebraska-Lincoln
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
ca. 1970
Format
The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource
Button
Type
The nature or genre of the resource
Physical Object
Subject
The topic of the resource
Anti-Vietnam War Movement
A.J. Muste
Anti-Draft Week
Anti-War
Benjamin Spock
Boston
California
Central Park
Chicago '68
Cleveland
Cornell University
Dave Dellinger
Floyd McKissick
George McGovern
Inter-University Committee for Debate on Foreign Policy
James Bevel
Los Angeles
Martin Luther King Jr.
Massachusetts
MLK
MOBE
Moratorium to End the War in Vietnam
National Mobilization Committee to End the War in Vietnam
National Peace Coalition
New Left
New Mobilization Committee to End the War in Vietnam
New York
Ohio
Pentagon
People’s Coalition for Peace
Richard Nixon
Robert Greenblatt
San Francisco
Spring Mobilization Committee to End the War in Vietnam
Stokely Carmichael
teach-in
Ten Days of Protest
The Mobilizer
United Nations
Vietnam War
Washington D.C.
Yippies
-
https://rozsixties.unl.edu/files/original/9059aab1f3fab77d39c32f0e3e631fed.jpg
9ddb81b01da88cc03369a8d24f0c7d92
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
Buttons
Description
An account of the resource
Buttons were one of the most popular and pervasive forms of political messaging during the 1960s, combining brief messaging and memorable graphic designs. Buttons were inexpensive to produce on a mass basis and easy to distribute. They afforded any individual an opportunity to voice their opinions and, potentially, reach a broad audience. As Hunter Oatman-Stanford has written, “From discreet lapel pins to oversized buttons on purses or backpacks, pinbacks invite conversation by declaring potentially controversial viewpoints to complete strangers.” In this way, buttons were (and still are) a particularly democratic form of political propaganda.
As button collector, John Aisthorpe, has put it, buttons offer “a little snapshot of history.” During the 1960s, buttons were vital to the visual identity of a range of movements. “There were many protest groups who put their views on buttons,” Aisthorpe recalls, “from the early ’60s with the Free Speech Movement (FSM) to the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC), Students for a Democratic Society (SDS) and, later, the Veterans for Peace, the Fifth Avenue Vietnam Peace Parade Committee, and the Yippies.” The political impact of buttons in the 1960s is hard to gauge, though their popularity suggests some modicum of significance. And, as Aisthorpe has asserted, “It’s hard to say what impact they had, but the text of buttons worn at protests were often used as antiwar chants, like ‘Hell no, we won’t go!’… They must have had some effect.” The buttons of the 1960s have remained some of the most enduring relics from this important past.
This collection includes buttons from a wide array of movements from the Sixties, including the student movement, civil rights and Black Power movements, women's liberation, environmentalism, the anti-nuclear movement, gay liberation, electoral politics, the Chicano movement, the labor movement and the counterculture, with a strong emphasis on the anti-war movement. In addition, a few buttons date from Roz Payne’s activist efforts in the 1970s and 1980s, including the early political campaigns of Vermont politician, Bernie Sanders.
Physical Object
An inanimate, three-dimensional object or substance. Note that digital representations of, or surrogates for, these objects should use Moving Image, Still Image, Text or one of the other types.
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
Yippie!
Description
An account of the resource
The Youth International Party, known as the "Yippies," was founded in 1967 by Abbie and Anita Hoffman, Jerry Rubin, Nancy Kurshan, and Paul Krassner. Other activists involved with the Yippes included, Stew Albert, Ed Rosenthal, Allen Ginsberg, Ed Sanders, Robin Morgan,Phil Ochs, Robert M. Ockene, William Kunstler, Jonah Raskin, Steve Conliff, John Sinclair, Dana Beal, Betty (Zaria) Andrew, Matthew Landy Steen, Judy Gumbo, Ben Masel, Tom Forcade, David Peel, Wavy Gravy, Aron Kay, Tuli Kupferberg, Jill Johnston, Daisy Deadhead, Leatrice Urbanowicz, Bob Fass, John Murdock, Alice Torbush, Judy Lampe, Walli Leff, Steve DeAngelo, Dennis Peron, and Brenton Lengel. According to Krasner, who coined the term, Yippies were “radicalized hippies.” In a 2007 essay in the Los Angeles Times, Krasner explained, "We needed a name to signify the radicalization of hippies, and I came up with Yippie as a label for a phenomenon that already existed, an organic coalition of psychedelic hippies and political activists. In the process of cross-fertilization at antiwar demonstrations, we had come to share an awareness that there was a linear connection between putting kids in prison for smoking pot in this country and burning them to death with napalm on the other side of the planet." Further, Anita Hoffman liked the term, but felt that "strait-laced types" needed a more formal name to take the movement seriously. She came up with "Youth International Party," because it symbolized the movement and made for a good play on words. Some referred to the group as "Yippie!," as in a shout for joy (with an exclamation mark to express exhilaration). As Abbie Hoffman wrote, "What does Yippie! mean?" Energy – fun – fierceness – exclamation point!"
The Yippies were influenced by The Diggers in San Francisco and often used guerilla theater, pranks, absurdist forms of protest, as well as political and cultural disruption in their activism. They sought to merge the personal with the political… and have fun in the process. ABC News once stated, "The group was known for street theater pranks and was once referred to as the 'Groucho Marxists'." Among their many storied antics, the Yippies suggested lacing the New York City water supply with LSD, sent joints to hundreds of random people in New York from the telephone book, threw fake money on the floor of the New York Stock Exchange and suggested a circle of hippies could “levitate” the Pentagon during an October 1967 protest. The Yippies understood the dominant role of mass media and television in contemporary society and often went on television, but refused to obey the normal rules of corporate TV production, hoping to “break the frame” and reveal to audiences the constructed nature of mass media. As Krassner later recalled, “[T]he more visual and surreal the stunts we could cook up, the easier it would be to get on the news, and the more weird and whimsical and provocative the theater, the better it would play.” The Yippies were also involved in the underground press movement. Much of the writing and visual culture they produced consisted of obscenity-laced diatribes against mainstream society, but made few serious calls to militant action.
Abbie Hoffman and the Yippies first suggested a “Festival of Life” in the park outside of the 1968 Democratic National Convention in Chicago. They also planned to nominate a pig, nicknamed “Pigasus,” for President. Other New Left organizations joined the effort, which ultimately descended into chaos when Chicago police, at the order of authoritarian Democratic Mayor Richard Daley, attacked and brutally beat demonstrators in front of reporters and television cameras, causing an international controversy. In the melee, many Yippies were injured and arrested, including Abbie Hoffman and Jerry Rubin, who were put on trial as a part of what become known as the Chicago 7.
In 1970, an estimated 200-300 members of the Yippies descended on the Disneyland amusement park in Anaheim, California, to hold what was billed as their “First International Pow-Wow” to protest the U.S.’s continuing involvement in the Vietnam War and to liberate Disneyland as a symbol of the establishment. Hoffman authored a pamphlet in 1967, titled, “Fuck the System”; two books, “Revolution for the Hell of It” (1968) and “Steal This Book” (1971); and an LP record, “Woodstock Nation: A Talk-Rock Album” (1969).
The Yippies began to fragment and disintegrate during the 1970s. A disillusioned Hoffman committed suicide in 1989. Jerry Rubin became a “Yuppie” during the 1980s, embracing capitalism and starting a number of businesses. He was killed in 1994 when he was struck by a car. Even so, a number of Yippie followers have carried on in the same spirit.
_______
Here is a brief clip of Abbie Hoffman discussing Yippie tactics during the 1968 Democratic National Convention: https://www.youtube.com/watch?time_continue=29&v=2oujcg_Tifw
Here is Jerry Rubin speaking to a group of Yippies days before the 1968 Democratic National Convention: https://www.youtube.com/watch?time_continue=10&v=oZlmjZPrG0s
________
Yippie
Manifesto
By Abbie
Hoffman
and
Jerry
Rubin
(1968)
Come
in to
the
streets
on
Nov.
5,
election
day. Vote
with
your
feet.
Rise
up and
abandon
the
creeping
meatball!
Demand
the
bars
be
open.
Make
music and
dance
at
every
red
light.
A
festival
of
life
in
the
streets
and
parks
throughout the world.
The
American
election
represents
death,
and
we
are
alive.
Come
all
you
rebels,
youth
spirits,
rock
minstrels,
bomb
throwers,
bank
robbers,
peacock
freaks,
toe
worshippers,
poets,
street
folk,
liberated
women,
professors
and
body
snatchers:
it
is
election
day
and
we
are
everywhere.
Don't
vote
in
a
jackass‐elephant‐cracker
circus.
Let's
vote
for
ourselves.
Me
for
President.
We
are
the
revolution.
We
will
strike
and
boycott
the
election
and
create
our
own
reality.
Can
you
dig
it:
in
every
metropolis
and
hamlet of
America
boycotts,
strikes,
sit‐ins,
pickets,
lie‐ins,
pray‐ins,
feel‐ins,
piss‐ins
at
the
polling
places.
Nobody
goes
to
work.
Nobody
goes
to
school.
Nobody
votes.
Everyone
becomes
a
life
actor
of
the
street
doing
his
thing,
making
the
revolution
by
freeing
himself
and
fucking
up
the
system.
Ministers
dragged
away
from
polling
places.
Free
chicken
and
ice
cream
in
the
streets.
Thousands
of
kazoos,
drums,
tambourines,
triangles,
pots
and
pans,
trumpets,
street
fairs,
firecrackers – a
symphony
of
life
on
a
day
of
death.
LSD
in
the
drinking
water.
Let's
parade
in
the
thousands
to
the
places
where
the
votes
are
counted
and
let
murderous
racists
feel
our
power.
Force
the
National
Guard
to
protect
every
polling
place
in
the
country.
Brush
your
teeth
in
the
streets.
Organize
a
sack
race.
Join
the
rifle
club
of
your
choice.
Freak
out
the
pigs
with
exhibitions
of snake
dancing
and
karate
at
the
nearest
pig
pen.
Release
a
Black
Panther
in
the Justice
Department.
Hold
motorcycle
races
a
hundred
yards
from
the
polling
places.
Fly
an
American
flag
out
of
every
house
so
confused
voters
can't
find
the polling
places.
Wear
costumes.
Take
a
burning
draft
card
to
Spiro
Agnew.
Stall
for
hours
in
the
polling
places
trying
to
decide
between
Nixon
and
Humphrey
and
Wallace.
Take
your
clothes
off.
Put
wall
posters
up
all
over
the
city.
Hold
block
parties.
Release
hundreds
o f
greased
pigs
in
pig
uniforms
downtown.
Check
it
out
in
Europe
and
throughout
the
world
thousands
of
students
will
march
on
the
USA
embassies
demanding
to
vote
in
the
election
cause
Uncle
Pig
controls
the
world.
No
domination
without
representation.
Let's
make
2‐300
Chicago's
on
election
day.
(On
election
day
let's
pay
tribute
to
rioters,
anarchists,
Commies,
runaways,
draft
dodgers,
acid
freaks,
snipers,
beatniks,
deserters,
Chinese
s pies.
Let's
exorcise
all
politicians,
generals,
publishers,
businessmen,
Popes,
American
Legion,
AMA,
FBI,
narcos,
informers.
And
then
on
Inauguration
Day
Jan.
20
we
will
bring
our
revolutionary
theater
to
Washington
to
inaugurate
Pigasus,
our
pig,
the
only
honest
candidate,
and
turn
the
White
House
into
a
crash
pad.
They
will
have
to
put
Nixon's
hand
on
the
bible
in
a
glass
cage.
Begin
now:
resist
oppression
as
you
feel
it.
Organize
and
begin
the
word
of
mouth
communication
that
is
the
basis
of
all
conspiracies
....
Every
man
a
revolution!
Every
small
group
a
revolutionary
center!
We
will
be
together on
election day.
Yippie!!!
________
A Yippie Manifesto
by Jerry Rubin
This is a Viet Cong flag on my back. During the recent hearings of the House Un-American Activities Committee in Washington, a friend and I are walking down the street en route to Congress – he’s wearing an American flag and I’m wearing this VC flag.
The cops mass, and boom! I am going to be arrested for treason, for supporting the enemy.
And who do the cops grab and throw in the paddy wagon?
My friend with the American flag.
And I’m left all alone in the VC flag.
“What kind of a country is this?” I shout at the cops. “YOU COMMUNISTS!”
Everything is cool en route to Canada until the border. An official motions me into a small room and pulls out a five-page questionnaire.
“Do you use drugs?” he asks quite seriously.
“Yeah,” I say.
“Which?”
“Coca Cola.”
“I mean DRUGS! He shouts.
“Coca Cola is more dangerous for you than marijuana,” I say. “Fucks up your body, and it’s addictive.”
“Have you ever advocated the overthrow of the Canadian government?” he asks.
“Not until I get into Canada.”
Have you ever been arrested for inciting to riot?”
I reply no, and it is true. In August I was arrested in Chicago for something similar, “solicitation to mob action,” a violation of a sex statute.
Finally I ask the border official to drop out. “Man, your job is irrelevant,” I say. “The Canadian-American border does not exist. There are no such things as borders. The border exists only in your head.
“No state has the right to ask me these questions. The answers are mine. Next thing I know you guys will be tapping my brain!”
I try to get the cat to take off his uniform right there. But he refuses, saying, “I’ve got a job to do and a family to support.”
So goes the cancer of the Western World: everyone just doing his “Job.” Nobody learned the lesson of Eichmann. Everyone still points the finger elsewhere.
America and the West suffer from a great spiritual crisis. And so the yippies are a revolutionary religious movement.
We do not advocate political solutions that you can vote for. You are never going to be able to vote for the revolution. Get that hope out of your mind.
And you are not going to be able to buy the revolution in a supermarket, in the tradition of our consumer society. The revolution is not a can of goods.
Revolution only comes through personal transformation: finding God and changing your life. Then millions of converts will create a massive social upheaval.
The religion of the yippies is: “RISE UP AND ABANDON THE CREEPING MEATBALL!”
That means anything you want it to mean. Which is why it is so powerful a revolutionary slogan. The best picket sign I ever saw was blank. Next best was: “We Protest__________!”
Slogans like “Get out of Vietnam” are informative, but they do not create myths. They don’t ask you to do anything but carry them.
Political demonstrations should make people dream and fantasize. A religious-political movement is concerned with people’s souls, with the creation of a magic world which we make real.
When the national media first heard our slogan, they reported that the “creeping meatball” was Lyndon Johnson. Which was weird and unfair, because we liked Lyndon Johnson.
We cried when LBJ dropped out. “LBJ, you took us too literally! We didn’t mean YOU should drop out! Where would WE be if it weren’t for you, LBJ?”
Is there any kid in America, or anywhere in the world, who wants to be like LBJ when he grows up?
As a society falls apart, its children reject their parents. The elders offer us Johnsons, Agnews, and Nixons, dead symbols of a dying past.
The war between THEM and US will be decided by the seven-year-olds.
We offer: sex, drugs, rebellion, heroism, brotherhood.
They offer: responsibility, fear, Puritanism, repression.
Dig the movie Wild in the Streets! A teenage rock-and-roll singer campaigns for a Bobby Kennedy-type politician.
Suddenly he realizes: “We’re all young! Let’s run the country ourselves!”
“Lower the voting age to 14!”
“14 or FIGHT!”
They put LSD in the water fountains of Congress and the Congressmen have a beautiful trip. Congress votes to lower the voting age to 14.
The rock-and-roll singer is elected President, but the CIA and military refuse to recognize the vote. Thousands of long-hairs storm the White House, and six die in the siege. Finally the kids take power, and they put all people over 30 into camps and given them LSD every day. (Some movies are even stranger than OUR fantasies.)
“Don’t trust anyone over 30!” say the yippies – a much-quoted warning.
I am four years old.
We are born twice. My first birth was in 1938, but I was reborn in Berkeley in 1964 in the Free Speech movement.
When we say “Don’t trust anyone over 30,” we’re talking about the second birth. I got 26 more years.
When people 40 years old come up to me and say, “Well, I guess I can’t be part of your movement,” I say, “What do you mean? You could have been born yesterday. Age exists in your head.”
Bertrand Russell is our leader. He’s 90 years old.
Another yippie saying is “THE GROUND YOU STAND ON IS LIBEATED TERRITORY!”
Everybody in this society is a policeman. We all police ourselves. When we free ourselves, the real cops take over.
I don’t smoke pot in public often, although I love to. I don’t want to be arrested: that’s the only reason.
I police myself.
We do not own our own bodies.
We fight to regain our bodies…to make love in the parks, say “fuck” on television, do what we want to do whenever we want to do it.
Prohibitions should be prohibited.
Rules are made to be broken.
Never say “no.”
The yippies say: “PROPERTY IS THEFT.’
What America got, she stole.
How was this country built? By the forced labor of slaves. America owes black people billions in compensation.
“Capitalism” is just a polite schoolbook way of saying: “Stealing.”
Who deserves what they get in America? Do the Rockefellers deserve their wealth? HELL NO!
America says that people work only for money. But check it out: those who don’t have money work the hardest, and those who have money take very long lunch hours.
When I was born I had food on my table and a roof over my head. Most babies born in the world face hunger and cold. What is the difference between them and me?
Every well-off white American better ask himself that question or he will never understand why people hate America.
The enemy is this dollar bill right here in my hand.
Now if I get a match, I’ll show you what I think of it.
This burning gets some political radicals very uptight. I don’t know exactly why. They burn a lot of money putting out leaflets nobody reads.
I think it is more important today to burn a dollar bill than it is to burn a draft card.
“Humm, pretty resilient. Hard to burn. Anybody got a lighter?”
We go to the New York Stock Exchange, about 20 of us, our pockets stuffed with dollar bills. We want to throw real dollars down at all those people on the floor playing monopoly games with numbers.
An official stops us at the door and says, “You can’t come in. You are hippies and you are coming to demonstrate.”
With TV cameras flying away, we reply: “Hippies? Demonstrate? We’re Jews. And we’re coming to see the stock market.”
Well, that gets the guy uptight, and he lets us in. We get to the top, and the dollars start raining down on the floor below.
These guys deal in millions of dollars as a game, never connecting it to people starving. Have they ever seen a real dollar bill?
This is what it is all about, you sonavabitches!!”
Look at them: wild animals chasing and fighting each other over dollar bills thrown by the hippies!
And then someone calls the cops . The cops are a necessary part of any demonstration; always include a role for the cops. Cops legitimize demonstrations.
The cops throw us out.
It is noon. Wall Street Businessmen with briefcases and suits and ties. Money freaks going to lunch. Important business deals. Time. Appointments.
And there we are in the middle of it, burning five-dollar bills. Burning their world. Burning their Christ.
“Don’t, Don’t!” some scream, grasping for the sacred paper. Several near fist-fights break out.
We escape with our lives.
Weeks later The New York Times publishes a short item revealing that the New York Stock Exchange is installing a bullet-proof glass window between the visitor’s platform and the floor, so that “nobody can shot a stockbroker.”
In Chicago, 5,000 yuppies come, armed only with our skin. The cops bring tanks, dogs, guns, gas, long-range rifles, missiles. Is this South Vietnam or Chicago? America always overreacts.
The American economy is doomed to collapse because it has no soul. Its stability is war and preparation for war. Consumer products are built to break, and advertising brainwashes us to consume new ones.
The rich feel guilty. The poor are taught to hate themselves. The guilty and the wretched are on a collision course.
If the men who control the technology used it for human needs and not profit and murder, every human being on the planet could be free from starvation. Machines could do most of the world: People would be free to do what they want.
We should be very realistic and demand the impossible. Food, housing, clothing, medicine, and color TV free for all!!
People would work because of love, creativity, and brotherhood. A new economic structure would produce a new man.
That new structure will be created by new men.
American society, because of its Western-Christian-Capitalist bag, is organized on the fundamental premise that man is bad, society evil, and that: People must be motivated and forced by external reward and punishment.
We are a new generation, species, race. We are bred on affluence, turned on by drugs, at home in our bodies, and excited by the future and its possibilities.
Everything for us is an experience, done for love or not done at all.
We live off the fat of society. Our fathers worked all-year round for a two-week vacation. Our entire life is a vacation.
Every moment, every day we decide what we are going to do.
We do not groove with Christianity, the idea that people go to heaven after they are dead. We want HEAVEN NOW!
We do not believe in studying to obtain degrees in school. Degrees and grades are like money and credit, good only for burning.
There is a war going on in the Western world: a war of genocide by the old against the young.
The economy is closed. It does not need us. Everything is built.
So the purpose of universities is: to get us off the streets. Schools are baby-sitting agencies.
The purpose of the Vietnam War is: to get rid of blacks. They are a nuisance. America got the work she needed out of blacks, but now she has no use for them.
It is a psychological war. The old say, “We want you to die for us.” The old send the young to die for the old.
Our response? Draft-card burning and draft dodging! We won’t die for you.
Young whites are dropping out of white society. We are getting our heads straight, creating new identities. We’re dropping out of middle-class institutions, leaving their schools, running away from their homes, and forming our own communities.
We are becoming the new niggers.
I’m getting on a plane en route to Washington. An airline official comes up to me and says, “You can’t go on this airplane.”
“Why not?” I ask.
“Because you smell.”
That’s what they used to say about black people, remember? They don’t say that about black people anymore. They’d get punched in their fucking mouths.
Our long hair communicates disrespect to America. A racist, short-hair society gets freaked by long hair. It blinds people. In Vietnam, America bombs the Vietnamese, but cannot see them because they are brown.
Long-hair is vital to us because it enables us to recognize each other. We have white skin like our oppressors. Long hair ties us together into a visible counter-community.
A car drives down the street, parents in front, and a 15-year-old longhair kid in back. The kid gives me the “V” sign! That’s the kind of communication taking place.
Within our community we have the seeds of a new society. We have our own communications network, the underground press. We have the beginnings of a new family structure in communes. We have our own stimulants.
When the cops broke into my home on the Lower East Side to arrest me for possession of pot, it was like American soldiers invading a Vietnamese village. They experienced cultural shock.
Fidel Castro was on the wall. They couldn’t believe it! Beads! They played with my beads for 20 minutes.
When the cops kidnapped me in Chicago, they interviewed me as if I had just landed from Mars.
“Do you fuck each other?”
“What is it like on LSD?”
“Do you talk directly with the Viet Cong?”
The two generations cannot communicate with one another because of our different historical experiences.
Our parents suffered through the Depression and World War II. We experience the consumer economy and the U.S.A. as a military bully in Vietnam.
From 1964 to 1968 the movement has been involved in the destruction of the old symbols of America. Through our actions we have redefined those symbols for the youth.
Kids growing up today expect school to be a place to demonstrate, sit-in, fight authority, and maybe get arrested.
Demonstrations become the initiation rites, rituals, and social celebrations of a new generation.
Remember the Pentagon, center of the military ego? We urinated on it. Thousands of stone freaks stormed the place, carrying Che’s picture and stuffing flowers in the rifles of the 82nd Airborne.
Remember the Democratic Convention? Who, after Chicago, can read schoolbook descriptions of national political conventions with a straight face anymore? The farce within the convention became clear because of the war between the yippies and the cops in the streets.
We are calling the bluff on myths of America. Once the myth is exposed, the structure behind it crumbles like sand. Chaos results. People must create new realities.
In the process we create new myths, and these new myths forecast the future.
In America in 1969 old myths can be destroyed overnight, and new ones created overnight because of the power of television. By making communications instantaneous, television telescopes the rev solution by centuries. What might have taken 100 years will now take 20. What used to happen in 10 years now happens in two. In a dying society, television becomes a revolutionary instrument.
For her own protection, the government is soon going to have to suppress freedom of the press and take direct control over what goes on television, especially the news.
TV has dramatized the longhair drop-out movement so well that virtually every young kid in the country wants to grow up and be a demonstrator.
What do you want to be when you grow up? A fireman? A cop? A professor?
“I want to grow up and make history.”
Young kids watch TV’s thrill-packed coverage of demonstrations – including the violence and excitement – and dream about being in them. They look like fun.
Mayor Daley put out this television film about Chicago. It had cops beating up young longhairs. In one scene, the cops threw a tear-gas canister into the crowd, and one demonstrator picked it up and heaved it right back.
Who do you think every kid in the country identified with?
Then the announcer said the chiller: “These demonstrations are Communist led!…”
Communism? Who the hell knows from Communism? We never lived thro8ugh Stalin. We read about it, but it doesn’t affect us emotionally. Our emotional reaction to Communism is Fidel marching into Havana in 1959.
There is NO WORD that the Man has to turn off your youth, no scare word.
“They’re for ANARCHY!”
Damn right, we’re for anarchy! This country is fucking over-organized anyway. “DON’T DO THIS! DON”T DO THAT, Don’t!”
Growing up in America is learning what NOT to do.
We say: “DO IT, DO IT. DO WHATEVER YOU WANT TO DO.”
Our battlegrounds are the campuses of America. White middle-class youth are strategically located in the high schools and colleges of this country. They are our power bases.
If one day 100 campuses were closed in a nationally coordinated rebellion, we could force the President of the United States to sue for peace at the conference table.
As long as we are in school we are prisoners. Schools are voluntary jails. We must liberate ourselves.
Dig the geography of a university. You can always tell what the rulers have up their sleeves when you check out the physical environment they create. The buildings tell you how to behave. Then there is less need for burdensome rules and cops. They designed classrooms so that students sit in rows, one after the other, hierarchically facing the professor who stands up front talking to all of them.
Classrooms say:
“Listen to the Professor.
“He teaches you.
“Keep your place.
“Don’t stretch out.
“Don’t lie on the floor.
“Don’t relax.
“Don’t speak out of turn.
“Don’t take off your clothes.
“Don’t get emotional.
“Let the mind rule the body.
“Let the needs of the classroom rule the mind.
Classrooms are totalitarian environments. The main purpose of school and education in America is to force you to accept and love authority, and to distrust your own spontaneity and emot8ons.
How can you grow in such an over-structured environment? You can’t. Schools aren’t for learning.
Classrooms should be organized in circles, with the professor one part of the circle. A circle is a democratic environment.
Try breaking up the environment. Scream “Fuck” in the middle of your prof’s lecture. ‘
So we organized a University of the Flesh. Four of us go into a classroom. We sit in the middle of the class. The lecture is on “Thinking.”
Thinking!
We take off our shirts, smoke joints and start French kissing. A lot of students get nervous. This goes on for 10-15 minutes, and the professor goes on with his lecture like nothing is happening.
Finally a girl says, “The people there are causing a distraction, and could they either put their shirts back on or could they please leave.”
And the prof says, “Well, I agree with that. I think that if you’re not here to hear what I’m saying…”
We shout: “You can’t separate thinking from loving! We are hard in thought!!”
And the prof says, “Well, in my classroom I give the lessons.”
Scratch a professor deep and you find a cop!
Fucking milquetoast! Didn’t have the guts to throw us out, but in his classroom HE GIVES the lesson. So he sends his teaching assistant to get the cops, and we split.
The mind is programmed. Get in there and break that bloody program!
Can you imagine what a feeling a professor has standing in front of a class and looking at a room full of bright faces taking down every word he says, raising their hands and asking questions? It really makes someone think he is God. And to top it off, he has the power to reward and punish you, to decide whether or not you are fit to advance in the academic rat race.
Is this environment the right one for teacher and student?
Socrates is turning in his grave.
I was telling a professor of philosophy at Berkeley that many of his students were wiser men than he, even en though he may have read more books and memorized more theories.
He replied, “Well, I must take the lead in the transfer of knowledge.”
Transfer of knowledge! What is knowledge?
How to Live.
How to Legalize Marijuana.
How to Make a Revolution.
How to Free People from Jail.
How to Organize Against the CIA.
When a professor takes off his suit and tie, and joins us in the streets, then I say, “Hay man, what’s your first name?” You’re my brother. Let’s go. We’re together.”
I don’t dig the “professor” bullshit. I am more interested in a 15-year-old stoned dope freak living on street corners than I am in a Ph.D.
There is anti-intellectualism in America because professors have created an artificial environment. That is why the average working guy does not respect professors.
The university is a protective and plastic scene, shielding people from the reality of life, the reality of suffering, of ecstasy, of struggle. The university converts the agony of life into the securi6ty of words and books.
You can’t learn anything in school. Spend one hour in a jail or a courtroom and you will learn more than in five years spent in a university.
All I learned in school was how to beat the system, how to fake answers. But there are no answers. There are only more questions. Life is a long journey of questions, answered thro8ugh the challenge of living. You would never know that, living in a university ruled by the “right” answers to the wrong questions.
Graffiti in school bathrooms tells you more about what’s on people’s minds than all the books in the library.
We must liberate ourselves. I dropped out. The shit got up to my neck and I stopped eating. I said: NO. NO. NO!! I’m dropping out.
People at Columbia found out what it felt like to learn when they seized buildings and lived in communes for days.
We have to redesign the environment and remake human relationships. But if you try it, you will be kicked out.
You know what professors and deans will say? “Of you don’t like it here, why don’t you go back to Russia!”
A lot is demanded of white, middle-class youth in 1969. The whole thing about technological and bureaucratic society is that it is not made for heroes. We must become heroes.
The young kids living in the streets as new niggers are the pioneers of tomorrow, living dangerously and existentially.
The yippies went to Chicago to have our counter-festival, a “Festival of Life” in the parks of Chicago, as a human contrast to the “Convention of Death” of the Democrats.
I get a phone call on Christmas Day, 1967 from Marvin Garson, the editor of the San Francisco Express-Times, and he says, “Hay, it looks like the Peace and Freedom Party is not going to get on the ballot.”
I say, “I don’t care. I’m not interested in electoral politics anyway.”
And he says, “Let’s run a pig for President.”
An arrow shoots through my brain. Yeah! A pig, with buttons, posters, bumper stickers.
“America, why take half a hog, when you can have the whole hog.”
At the Democratic convention, the pigs nominate the President and he eats the people.
At the yippie convention, we nominate our pig and after he makes his nominating speech, we earth him. The contrast is clear: should the President earth the people or the people earth the President?
Well, we didn’t kill our pig. If there is one issue that could split the yippies, it is the issue of vegetarianism. A lot of yippies don’t believe in killing and eating animals, so I had to be less militant on that point.
We bring Pigasus to Chicago, and he is arrested in Civic Center. The cops grab him. They grab seven of us, and they throw us in the paddy wagon with Pigasus.
The thing about running a pig for President is that it cuts through the shits. People’s minds are full of things like, “You may elect a greater evil.” We must break through their logic. Once we get caught in their logic, we’re trapped in it.
Just freak it all out and proclaim: “This country is run on the principles of garbage. The Democratic and Republican parties have nominated a pig. So have we. We’re honest about it.”
In Chicago, Pigasus was a hell of a lot more effective than all those lackeys running around getting votes for the politicians. It turned out that the pig was more relevant to the current American political scene than Senator Eugene McCarthy. I never thought McCarthy could reform the Democratic Party. Hell, McCarthy barely got into the convention himself. He had to have a ticket. That’s how controlled the damn thing was. Finally, we forced McCarthy out into the streets with the people.
The election was not fair because every time we brought eh pigs out to give a campaign speech, they arrested him. It happened in Chicago, in New York, in San Francisco, even in London.
The yippies asked that the presidential elections be cancelled until the rules of the game were changed. We said that everyone in the role should both in American elections because America controls the world.
Free elections are elections in which the people who vote are the people affected by the results. The Vietnamese have more right to vote in the American elections than some 80-year-old grandmother in Omaha. They’re being bombed by America! They should have at least some choice about it, how, and by whom they are going to be bombed.
I have nothing in particular against 80-year-old grandmothers, but I am in favor of lowering the voting age to 12 or 14 years. And I’m not sure whether people over 50 should vote.
It is the young kids who are going to live in this world in the next 50 years. They should choose what they want for themselves.
Most people over 50 don’t think about the potentialities of the future: they are preoccupied with justifying their past.
The only people who can choose change without suffering blows to their egos are the young, and change is the rhythm of the universe.
Many older people are constantly warning: “The right wing will get you.” “George Wallace will get your momma.”
I am so scared of George Wallace that I wore his fucking campaign button. I went to his campaign rally – all old ladies.
There are six Nazis who come with black gloves and mouthpieces, looking for a fight. And two fights break out. Two guys with long hair beat the shit out of them.
I am not afraid of the right wing because the right wing does not have the youth behind it.
“Straight” people get very freaked by Wallace. “Freaks” know the best way to fuck Wallace up. We support him.
At Wallace’s rally in the Cow Palace in Sand Francisco, we come with signs saying “CUT THEIR HAIR1” “SEND THEM BACK TO AFRICA!” “BOMB THE VIETNAMESE BACK TO THE STONE AGE!”
When we arrive there is a picket line going on in front of the rally. I recognize it is the Communist Party picketing.
What? Picketing Wallace?
I walk up to my friend Bettina Aptheker and say, “Bettina, you’re legitimizing him. You’re legitimizing him by picketing. Instead, support him, kiss him. When he says the next hippie in front of his car will be the last hippie, cheer! Loudly!”
We have about two hundred people there, and we are the loudest people at the rally. Every five seconds we are jumping up and swearing. “Heil! Hitler! Heil! Hitler!”
Wallace is a sick man. America is the loony bin. The only way to cure her is through theatrical shock. Wallace is necessary because he brings to the surface the racism and hate that is deep within the country.
The hippie Fugs spearheaded the anti-war movement of the past five years by touring theaters and dance halls shouting into a microphone: “Kill, Kill, Kill for Peace! Kill, Kill, I’ll for Peace!”
Wallace says aloud what most people say privately. He exposes the beast within liberal America. He embarrasses the liberal who says in one breath, “Oh, I like Negroes,” and then in another breath, “We must eliminate crime in the streets.”
Remember what Huey Long said: “When fascism comes to America, it will come as Americanism.”
Wallace may be the best thing for those of us who are fighting him. You can only fight a disease after you recognize the diagnose it. America does not suffer from a cold: she has cancer.
The liberals who run this country agree with Wallace more than they disagree with him. George tells tales out of school. The liberals are going to have to shut that honest motherfucker up.
Do you dig that most cops support Wallace? Cops – the people who make and enforce the law in the streets! Wallace speaks FOR them.
Isn’t that scary? Can’t you see why blacks are getting guns and organizing into small self-defense units? Wouldn’t you, if you were in their situation? Shouldn’t you be?
Make America see her vampire face in the mirror. Destroy that gap between public talk and private behavior. Only when people see what’s happening can they hear our screams, and feel our passion.
The Vietnam War is an education for America. It is an expansive teaching experience, but the American people are the most brink-washed people in the world.
At least the youth are learning that this country is no paradise – America kills infants and children in Vietnam without blinking. Only professional killers can be so cool.
If you become hip to America in Vietnam, you can understand the reaction against the red-white-and-blue in Latin America, and you can feel why China hates us.
They are not irrational – America is.
Wallace is a left-wing agitator. Dig him. He speaks to the same anxiety and powerlessness that the New Left and yippies talk about.
Do you feel overwhelmed by bigness, including Big Government?
Do you lack control over your own life?
Are you distrustful of the politicians and bureaucrats in Washington?
Are you part of the “little people?”
Wallace stirs the masses. Revolutions should do that too.
When is the left going to produce an inflammatory and authentic voice of the people? A guy who reaches people’s emotions? Who talks about revolution the way some of those nuts rap about Christ?
Wallace says: “We’re against niggers, intellectuals, liberals, hippies.”
Everybody! He puts us all together. He organizes us for us.
We must analyze how America keeps people down. Not by physical force, but by fear. From the second kids are hatched, we are taught fear. If we can overcome fear, we will discover that we are Davids fighting Goliath.
In late September a friend calls and says, “Hay, I just got a subpoena from HUAC.”
I say, “Yeah” I didn’t. What’s going on here? I’m angry. I want a subpoena too.
It’s called subpoenas envy.
So I telephone a confident to the Red Squad, a fascist creep who works for the San Francisco Examiner, and I say, “Hey, Ed, baby, what about HUAC? Are they having hearings?”
He answers, “Well, I don’t know. Are they?”
Well, my friend just got a subpoena.” I say. “I’d like on too. If you can manage it.”
He says, “Call me back in a few hours.”
I call him back that afternoon and he says, “Well, I just talked to HUAC in Washington, and you are right. They are having hearings, and they are looking for you in New York.”
In NEW YORK? I’ve been in Berkeley a week! You guys are sure doing a shitty job trying to save this country!”
We exaggerate the surveillance powers of cops. We shouldn’t. They are lazy. Their laziness may be the one reason why America doesn’t yet have a totally efficient police state.
The cops were not lazy in Chicago. They followed the “leaders” continuously, 24 hours a day. If you are trailed by four cops just six steps behind you, you can’t do very much.
But the people really doing things – why, the cops didn’t even know who they were!
Pigs cannot relate to anarchy. They do not understand a movement based on personal freedom. When they look at our movement, they look for a hierarchy: leaders, lieutenants, followers.
The pigs think that we are organized like a pig department. We are not, and that’s why we are going to win. A hierarchical, top-down organization is no match for the free and loose energy of the people.
As the pigs check with their high-ups to find out what to do next, we have already switched the tactics and scene of the battle. They are watching one guy over there, and it is happening over here!
I come to the HUAC hearings wearing a bandolero of real bullets and carrying a toy M-16 rifle on my shoulder. The rifle was a model of the rifles the Viet Cong steal and then use to kill American soldiers in Vietnam.
The pigs stop me at the door of the hearings. They grab the bullets and the gun. It is a dramatic moment. Press and yippies pack us in tightly. The pigs drag me down three flights of stairs and remove the bullets, leaving the gun, Viet Cong pajamas, Eldridge Cleaver buttons, Black Panther beret, war paint, earrings, bandolero, and the bells which ring every time I move my body. My costume carried a nonverbal message: “We must all become stoned guerrillas.”
The secret to the costume was the painted tits. Guerrilla war in America is going to come in psychedelic colors. We are hippie-guerrillas.
In HUAC’s chambers Abbie Hoffman jumps up and yells out, “May I do to the bathroom?” Young kids reading that in their hometown papers giggle because they have to ask permission every time they want to go to the bathroom in school.
The message of my costume flipped across the country in one day: an example of our use of the enemy’s institutions – her mass media – to turn on and communicate with one another.
I wore a Santa Clause costume to HUAC two months later in a direct attempt to reach the head of every child in the country.
Our victories are catching up with us: America isn’t ready to napalm us yet, but the future doesn’t look easy.
From June to November 1968, when I was helping to organize the demonstrations against the Democratic convention in Chicago, I experienced the following example of Americana:
New York pigs use a phony search warrant to bust into my apartment, question me, beat me, search the apartment and arrest me for alleged felonious possession of marijuana; a pig in Chicago disguises himself as a biker to “infiltrate” the yippies as an agent provocateur and spy; he busts me on a frame-up, “solicitation to mob action,” a felony punishable by five years in the pen; the judge imposes $25,000 bail and restricts my travel to Illinois; then the Justice Department in a document to a Virginia court admits that it maintains “electronic surveillance…of Jerry Rubin..in the interests of national security.”
To try to suppress youth, Nixon will have to destroy the Constitution.
We will be presumed guilty until proven innocent.
Our privacy will vanish. Big Brother will spy on all of us and dominate our lives.
Every cop will become a law until himself.
The courts will become automatic transmission belts sending us to detention camps and prisons.
People will be arrested for what they write and say.
Congress will impose censorship on the mass media, unless the media first censors itself, which is more likely.
To be young will be a crime.
In response, we must never become cynical, or lose our capacity for anger. We must stay on the offensive and be aggressive: AMERICA: IF YOU INJURE ONE, YOU MUST FIGHT ALL.
If our opposition is united, the repression may backfire and fail. The government may find the costs too heavy.
Don’t think, “They can never get ME.”
They can.
You are either on the side of the cops or on the side of human beings.
YIPPIE!
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Youth International Party
Source
A related resource from which the described resource is derived
Roz Payne
Publisher
An entity responsible for making the resource available
Center for Digital Research in the Humanities, University of Nebraska-Lincoln
Format
The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource
Button
Type
The nature or genre of the resource
Physical Object
Subject
The topic of the resource
Counterculture and New Left
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
late-1960s
Abbie Hoffman
absurdism
Alice Torbush
Allen Ginsberg
Aron Kay
Ben Masel
Betty (Zaria) Andrew
Bob Fass
Brenton Lengel
Chicago '68
counterculture
Daisy Deadhead
Dana Beal
David Peel
Democratic Party
demonstration
Dennis Peron
Disneyland
Ed Rosenthal
Ed Sanders
Festival of Life
First International Pow-Wow
Fuck the System
guerilla theater
Jerry Rubin
Jill Johnston
John Murdock
John Sinclair
Jonah Raskin
Judy Gumbo
Judy Lampe
Leatrice Urbanowicz
Levitation
LSD
marijuana
Matthew Landy Steen
New Left
New York
New York Stock Exchange
Paul Krasner
Pentagon
Phil Ochs
Pigasus
Revolution for the Hell of It
Richard Daley
Robert M. Ockene
Robin Morgan
Steal This Book
Steve Conliff
Steve DeAngelo
Stew Albert
Tom Forcade
Tuli Kupferberg
Walli Leff
Wavy Gravy
William Kunstler
Woodstock Nation
Yippies
Yuppie
-
https://rozsixties.unl.edu/files/original/3b9a13d3dff14cbf581affac81e5658f.jpg
f73c6a76fc4212d574c29a489aa9b784
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
Posters and Graphic Design
Description
An account of the resource
The movements of the Sixties produced a rich history of political posters and other graphic arts. These posters were hung in political offices, bookstores, bedrooms and in public. The posters collected here include designs related to the anti-war movement, Black Power, women’s liberation, the Yippies, counterculture, the Democratic National Convention in Chicago, anti-imperialism, the Cuban Revolution, environmentalism, Bernie Sanders’ elections for Burlington mayor, anti-communism, the labor movement, corporate inequality, the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, and other topics. Of particular note are a series of posters created by the OSPAAAL, the Organisation in Solidarity with the People of Africa, Asia and Latin America, the main publisher of international solidarity posters in Cuba.
Source
A related resource from which the described resource is derived
Roz Payne
Physical Object
An inanimate, three-dimensional object or substance. Note that digital representations of, or surrogates for, these objects should use Moving Image, Still Image, Text or one of the other types.
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
Chicago '68 Wall Poster
Subject
The topic of the resource
Anti-Vietnam War Movement
Description
An account of the resource
During protests at the 1968 Democratic Presidential Convention in Chicago, activists made wall posters to circulate information about what was happening. Many of this posters were made by Ramparts Magazine.
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
unknown (perhaps Ramparts Magazine)
Source
A related resource from which the described resource is derived
Roz Payne
Publisher
An entity responsible for making the resource available
Center for Digital Research in the Humanities, University of Nebraska-Lincoln
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1968
Format
The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource
poster
1968 election
Anti-War
Chicago '68
Democratic Party
Ramparts
Tom Hayden
Vietnam War
wallposter
-
https://rozsixties.unl.edu/files/original/ca51a66f2ed7adf87540c21852503c22.jpg
5ad555c79afaf83172a00bbd461e3735
https://rozsixties.unl.edu/files/original/45db2e8dcf68e553529e7a705ce7be7d.jpg
e498c62bf2ca624a3af84aa61e3ac8df
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
Posters and Graphic Design
Description
An account of the resource
The movements of the Sixties produced a rich history of political posters and other graphic arts. These posters were hung in political offices, bookstores, bedrooms and in public. The posters collected here include designs related to the anti-war movement, Black Power, women’s liberation, the Yippies, counterculture, the Democratic National Convention in Chicago, anti-imperialism, the Cuban Revolution, environmentalism, Bernie Sanders’ elections for Burlington mayor, anti-communism, the labor movement, corporate inequality, the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, and other topics. Of particular note are a series of posters created by the OSPAAAL, the Organisation in Solidarity with the People of Africa, Asia and Latin America, the main publisher of international solidarity posters in Cuba.
Source
A related resource from which the described resource is derived
Roz Payne
Physical Object
An inanimate, three-dimensional object or substance. Note that digital representations of, or surrogates for, these objects should use Moving Image, Still Image, Text or one of the other types.
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
Ramparts Wall Poster
Subject
The topic of the resource
1968 Chicago Democratic Convention
Description
An account of the resource
During the 1968 Chicago Democratic Convention protests, activists created wall posters that they used to circulate information. Ramparts Magazine was a prominent creater of these wall posters. The particular wall poster focuses on the double-arrest of SDS leader Tom Hayden, and an account of election jockeying.
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Ramparts Magazine
Source
A related resource from which the described resource is derived
Roz Payne
Publisher
An entity responsible for making the resource available
Center for Digital Research in the Humanities, University of Nebraska-Lincoln
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1968
Format
The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource
poster
Anti-War
Chicago '68
Democratic Party
Ramparts
SDS
Students for a Democratic Society
Tom Hayden
Vietnam War
-
https://rozsixties.unl.edu/files/original/f64f517603cc3dfe1b207d5ff79cd214.jpg
13492c3baf421157aaaf7f50c671065a
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
Objects
Description
An account of the resource
This collection contains a small number of physical objects, including a National Liberation Front flag, a fake check depicting the burning of the Bank of America branch in Isla Vista, an admission pass to Woodstock, an anti-war necklace made from the shrapnel of a downed U.S. military airplane in North Vietnam, a pop art necklace made from soda bottle caps, and folk singer Malvina Reynolds' guitar. Most notable, perhaps, is a lengthy homemade book created by Roz Payne and a number of other radical feminists.
Physical Object
An inanimate, three-dimensional object or substance. Note that digital representations of, or surrogates for, these objects should use Moving Image, Still Image, Text or one of the other types.
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Description
An account of the resource
On February 25, 1970, radical New Left attorney, William Kunstler, gave a talk at Harder Stadium on the campus of the University of California-Santa Barbara. At the time, Kunstler was the defense attorney for the “Chicago 7,” who were charged with conspiracy to instigate a riot during the 1968 Chicago Democratic National Convention. During his speech, Kunstler noted recent local controversies, including the firing of Anthropology Professor, Bill Allen, as well as scattered violence between students and police in the student enclave of Isla Vista. During his remarks, Kunstler said, “I have never thought that breaking of windows and sporadic, picayune violence is a good tactic. But, on the other hand, I cannot bring myself to become bitter and condemn young people who engage in it.” The crowd whistled and applauded. Following the talk, as those in attendance walked toward a park in Isla Vista for a rally, police, who patrolled Isla Vista in what was termed a “saturation patrol technique,” arrested Rich Underwood, mistaking a bottle of wine he was drinking for a Molotov Cocktail. When Underwood resisted, police beat him. The arrival of more riot clad police set off clashes with students who shouted and threw rocks and bottles. Santa Barbara City College student and radio broadcaster, Malcolm Gault-Williams, explained, “Imagine being in Harder Stadium and having the lawyer of a high-profile national trial … draw connections between what has been happening nationally with what has been happening on campus. And then imagine a large part of those attendees leave the stadium and … watch as police not just arrest a student but beat the shit out of him.” Another student, John Riley, echoed that interpretation, saying, “Cops arrested this guy and set everything off. It was like throwing a match into a gasoline can, everybody just went nuts.”
That evening, the unrest spread, as student broke the windows of several real estate agencies, set police cars on fire, and then began targeting the Isla Vista Bank of America building, ultimately burning it down. UCSB Sociology Professor, Dick Flacks, recalled, “By evening I would guess hundreds of people were in the street and at some point people lit a trash dumpster and pushed it through the bank doors.” During the incident, several waves of riot-clad police were repelled by protesters. As one student recalled, “All of the sudden, all you heard out windows of the houses right next door was the Rolling Stones’ ‘Street Fighting Man.’”
It was the second consecutive night of disturbances in Isla Vista. The previous day, 150-200 people set trash cans on fire and vandalized local real estate offices, including the front window of the Isla Vista Bank of America branch, after the arrest of “Lefty” Bryant, a well‐known black student radical, and three other campus activists, Greg Wilkinson, Jim Trotter and Mick Kronman.
Students targeted Bank of America as a symbol of American capitalism. Bank of America had branches in Vietnam, helped fund the war industry and also side with California grape growers, rather than striking workers in the United Farm Workers. Becca Wilson, a student and editor of El Gaucho, explained, “It was the biggest capitalist thing around. It was a symbol of the corporations that benefited from war and were oppressing people all over world, in whose interest government was acting.” Another student, Greg Desilet, offered a slightly different interpretation, “The day afterwards a lot of it was rationalized as anti-war. The bank was seen to be in league with defense corporations providing armaments for Vietnam. That was the rationale given, but in my view it was more. It was locally centered with a lot of local anger toward police that had developed over time. People were just pissed off. They were really pissed off.” The Isla Vista Bank of America incident received national media attention, prompting Governor Ronald Reagan to declare a state of emergency and call in the National Guard, who made an estimated 300 arrests.
On April 18, 1970, unrest again hit Isla Vista, this time with tragic results. The Bank of America had established a new temporary branch and students again protested. Police arrived in armored trucks, dressed in riot gear and armed with tear gas. Radical activists over-turned cars and again began burning buildings. As Gault-Williams recounted, “The college’s student body president called on more moderate students to head down to the protest to try to calm some of the more radical students who were rioting and lighting fires. Kevin [Moran] and his roommates headed down to the scene. After helping put out a fire in a Taco Bell, Kevin ran to Bank of America, which had also been torched. While the students attempted to put out the fire, police officers moved in and began tossing tear gas into the crowds. During the confusion, police reported at the time, an officer’s rifle accidentally went off and fragments of the bullet struck and killed Kevin.” Initially, local police claimed a sniper bullet killed Moran, but ballistic tests showed that it came from an officer’s rifle. He was later exonerated. In June, 17 students, most well-known campus activist leaders, were indicted for the Isla Vista unrest, despite the fact that several had solid alibis. That same month, a third incident of unrest struck Isla Vista, prompting a harsh response from Los Angeles police. That police response attracted a rebuke from conservative writer, William F. Buckley, in the Los Angeles Times.
In his 1979 tell-all book, Deep Cover, former FBI agent, Cril Payne, claims the FBI was very active in Santa Barbara at the time and played a role in instigating the burning of the Isla Vista Bank of America building as a part of their COINTELPRO operations.
Title
A name given to the resource
Bank of Amerika Check
Subject
The topic of the resource
Anti-Vietnam War Movement
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
unknown
Source
A related resource from which the described resource is derived
Roz Payne
Publisher
An entity responsible for making the resource available
Center for Digital Research in the Humanities, University of Nebraska-Lincoln
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
ca. 1970
Format
The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource
bank check
“Lefty” Bryant
Anti-War
Bank of America
Becca Wilson
Bill Allen
California
capitalism
Chicago '68
Chicago 7
COINTELPRO
Cril Payne
Deep Cover
Dick Flacks
El Gaucho
FBI
grape boycott
Greg Desilet
Greg Wilkinson
Harder Stadium
Isla Vista
Jim Trotter
John Riley
Kevin Moran
Los Angeles Times
Malcolm Gault-Williams
Mick Kronman
militarism
Molotov cocktail
National Guard
New Left
Rich Underwood
Rolling Stones
Ronald Reagan
Santa Barbara City College
Street Fighting Man
Taco Bell
United Farm Workers of America
University of California-Santa Barbara
Vietnam War
William F. Buckley
William Kunstler
-
https://rozsixties.unl.edu/files/original/1158440625bc4e79b5e4a5d4a88ca12d.jpg
cd869c0d50d2e0a20e8d7408ac361d92
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
Posters and Graphic Design
Description
An account of the resource
The movements of the Sixties produced a rich history of political posters and other graphic arts. These posters were hung in political offices, bookstores, bedrooms and in public. The posters collected here include designs related to the anti-war movement, Black Power, women’s liberation, the Yippies, counterculture, the Democratic National Convention in Chicago, anti-imperialism, the Cuban Revolution, environmentalism, Bernie Sanders’ elections for Burlington mayor, anti-communism, the labor movement, corporate inequality, the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, and other topics. Of particular note are a series of posters created by the OSPAAAL, the Organisation in Solidarity with the People of Africa, Asia and Latin America, the main publisher of international solidarity posters in Cuba.
Source
A related resource from which the described resource is derived
Roz Payne
Physical Object
An inanimate, three-dimensional object or substance. Note that digital representations of, or surrogates for, these objects should use Moving Image, Still Image, Text or one of the other types.
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Description
An account of the resource
On July 16, 1978, West German, Kristina Berster, and two American accomplices were picked up by U.S. Border Patrol officials in Vermont for illegally crossing into the United States from Canada. Initially, the FBI and other law enforcement claimed Berster was a terrorist on the lamb from Germany, where she was a member of the Baader-Meinhof gang, also known as the Red Army Faction.
Baader-Meinhof was a radical, left-wing organization established in 1970 that engaged in a series of bombings, assassinations, kidnappings, bank robberies and shoot-outs with police over the course of three decades, though their activity peaked in 1977. Stefan Aust, who wrote a book about the history of Red Army Faction, detailed the background and emergence of the group, “World War II was only twenty years earlier. Those in charge of the police, the schools, the government — they were the same people who'd been in charge under Nazism. The chancellor, Kurt Georg Kiesinger, had been a Nazi. People started discussing this only in the 60s. We were the first generation since the war, and we were asking our parents questions. Due to the Nazi past, everything bad was compared to the Third Reich. If you heard about police brutality, that was said to be just like the SS. The moment you see your own country as the continuation of a fascist state, you give yourself permission to do almost anything against it. You see your action as the resistance that your parents did not put up.” As Red Army Faction member, Gudrun Ennslin, is reported to have said after the death of one his comrades, “They'll kill us all. You know what kind of pigs we're up against. This is the Auschwitz generation. You can't argue with people who made Auschwitz. They have weapons and we haven't. We must arm ourselves!” Aust went on to explain the appeal of Baader-Meinhof to some West Germans, “The Baader-Meinhof Gang drew a measure of support that violent leftists in the United States, like the Weather Underground, never enjoyed. A poll at the time showed that a quarter of West Germans under forty felt sympathy for the gang and one-tenth said they would hide a gang member from the police. Prominent intellectuals spoke up for the gang's righteousness (as) Germany even into the 1970s was still a guilt-ridden society. When the gang started robbing banks, newscasts compared its members to Bonnie and Clyde. (Andreas) Baader, a charismatic action man indulged in the imagery, telling people that his favourite movies were Bonnie and Clyde, which had recently come out, and The Battle of Algiers. The pop poster of Che Guevara hung on his wall, (while) he paid a designer to make a Red Army Faction logo, a drawing of a machine gun against a red star.” Red Army Faction was organized into cells and practiced what Brazilian revolutionary Carlos Marighella called the “urban guerrilla.” According to Marghella, an urban guerrilla, was “A person who fights the military dictatorship with weapons, using unconventional methods... The urban guerrilla follows a political goal, and only attacks the government, big businesses, and foreign imperialists.” In response, West German authorities initiated a growing clamp-down on left-wing activists and lawyers, as well as critics of the government, generally.
At the same time in the U.S., legislators and law enforcement were growing increasingly concerned about “terrorism” and looking for legal and social bases to tighten strictures on so-called “terrorists.” One point of concern was the northern border with Canada. In this context, many saw the Kristina Berster case as an opportunity for U.S. law enforcement in the post-1960s era to promote this new anti-terrorism agenda. At first, the FBI Press Officer claimed the arrest “marked the first time a member of the notorious urban gang has been caught trying to enter the country.” In Burlington, Vermont, Assistant U.S. Attorney, Jerome O’Neill, stated that Berster was one of the 34 most wanted persons in the world. These were explosive claims that were picked up and repeated by national press across the country, including the New York Times. Quickly, though, those grand assertions began to unravel. West German authorities corrected FBI statements, saying that Berster was not, in fact a member of the Baader-Meinhof gang, and that they may not even be interested in extraditing her, prompting a corrected statement by the FBI. Yet, the cat was out of the bag in the U.S. media and the retraction did not change the overall tenor of coverage in the case, with most media continuing to refer to Berster as a “terrorist.”
American journalist Greg Guma has written extensively about the Berster case. In an article titled, “How disinformation turned Kristina Berster into an ‘enemy of the state,’” he described the context of growing radicalism in Germany when Berster entered the university:
“WHEN KRISTINA Berster, then 20, arrived in Heidelburg in late 1970, the student movement was well underway. The young in Germany were restless and angry, mostly about Vietnam. The rhetoric had turned revolutionary since the days of ‘Ban the Bomb!’ and the Berlin Wall. Student radicals numbered over 170,000, some of them turning gradually to Communism or Maoist ideology.
In a sense, German youth were emulating American dissent. The New Left in the US had reached a crisis point with the police riots at the Democratic Convention in Chicago and the Days of Rage, which sparked the formation of the Weather Underground. German protest erupted with demonstrations in Berlin and the bombing of two empty department stores by Andreas Baader and Gudrin Ensslin.
The purpose of the bombings, said Baader, was ‘to light a beacon’ against the consumer society. As Ensslin explained, ‘We set fires in department stores so you will stop buying. The compulsion to buy terrorizes you.’ The analysis was superficial, but it struck at the core of German complacency in an era of intensive economic development.
With their accomplices, the couple was caught and convicted on arson charges, but they found support from one of Germany’s leading leftist journalists, Ulrike Meinhof.
When they were released in 1969, pending appeal of their cases. Baader and Ensslin went underground with help from Meinhof, and on September 29, 1970, the Red Army Faction (RAF) was officially born with the robbing of three West Berlin banks. Baader said the first problem of ‘the revolution’ was finding financial support.
By early 1971, West German police were turning to automatic weapons and brutal tactics at demonstrations. Anyone who looked like a nonconformist risked a spontaneous interrogation. New search, arrest and gun laws were passed; roadblocks were a common sight on the Autobahn. The excuse for the broad extension of police powers was a nationwide search for the Baader-Meinhof group, even though the political fugitives were responsible for only five out of 1,061 bank robberies committed during their heyday. The first suspect killed by police was a 20-year-old hairdresser named Petra Schelm.
Berster was interested in psychology and grew increasingly alarmed at what she viewed as the isolation, atomization and alienation of people in West German society, as well as the frightening new psychological tactics authorities were developing against political dissidents. Berster was deeply influenced by radical concepts of therapy articulated by people like Thomas Szasz, who wrote, “The parallel between political and moral fascism is close. Each offers a kind of protection. And upon those unwilling to heed peaceful persuasion, the values of the state will be imposed by force: in political fascism by the military and the police; in moral fascism by therapists, especially psychiatrists.” After Berster was implicated by an informant as a left-wing sympathizer, she was detained and imprisoned for six months. During that time, she saw first-hand the erosion of legal rights in the West German system, as her lawyer was targeted and sanctioned by the state.
When Baader and Meinhof were arrested in 1971, they were placed in what was called “wipe-out detention.” As Guma explained, “It was a world of total sterility: luminous white, with fluorescent lights always on and all windows covered. The cells were soundproofed and filled only with white noise. In the ‘Dead Wing’ there were no visitors except lawyers and relatives. Reading materials were censored and other prisoners were never seen nor heard. When Jean-Paul Sartre saw Baader after two years in the ‘Dead Wing,’ he said, ‘This is not torture like the Nazis. It is torture meant to bring on psychic disturbances.’
Berster called this form of solitary confinement ‘the most effective way to destroy personality irreversibly. Humans are social. When you cut that off, when people are not able to talk or relate to others, an internal destruction begins. You become catatonic; somatic problems begin.’”
As a result of her own experience and the treatment of members of the Red Army Faction, Berster became increasingly interested in and involved with the prisoner’s rights movement in her country through the Socialist Patients Collective. In 1972, West German political leaders passed repressive new legislation against radicals, heightening concern that Berster and others would not receive fair trials. At the same time, growing debate divided the New Left in West Germany over the necessity of armed struggle. Berster later told supporters in Vermont that she had “problems with violence… I can’t shoot someone. I could never do violence.” As the 1970s pressed on, Berster decided to flee West Germany, spending time in Yemen, obtaining an Iranian passport and then ending up in Montreal. At her trial, Berster explained why she had crossed over to the U.S. in Vermont, “When I was in Paris, I was told that to get into the States, all you had to do was walk through Vermont’s northern border… They gave me a plan, with a map they drew, to enter from Noyan, Quebec, to Vermont.” Berster hoped to receive asylum in the U.S.
The Berster case attracted the support of a group of New Left activists in Vermont, including Roz Payne, as well as famed radical lawyer, William Kunstler, who represented Berster and saw in her case an opportunity to press back against increasing legal attacks against leftist lawyers in Germany, as well as new forms of political repression in the U.S. “This case goes far beyond Kristina Berster,” Kunstler told the press. “I am very concerned with West Germany’s treatment of so-called terrorists and the so-called left wing lawyers who defend them.” Kunstler also expressed concern over the “panic” reaction in the U.S. over the “terrorist” label, which resulted in $500,000 bail for Berster, to date the largest amount ever set for a border charge. The Berster Defense Committee in Vermont conducted a regional survey to assess public perceptions of the case and mounted rallies in support of Berster.
In October of 1978, after the longest jury deliberation in Vermont history, Berster received a mixed verdict, convicted on a felony and misdemeanor charge related to her border crossing, but acquitted of the more serious conspiracy charge. Several jurors were clearly sympathetic to Berster’s political plight and expressed hope after the trial that she might still win asylum in the U.S. The judge sentenced her to 9 months in jail, all but two weeks of which she had already served. The prosecutor in the case continued to stoke public fears about Berster, revealing to the media that Berster had spent time in Yemin. Immediately, U.S. Immigration and Naturalization Service initiated deportation proceedings against Berster. Roz Payne worked as an investigator and paralegal for attorneys Bill Knsutler, Jesse Berman, Bill Kittel and Chris Davis on Berster’s immigration case. Ultimately, in 1979, a deal was brokered between U.S. and West German officials to drop the original charges against Berster and allow her to return home without a deportation order.
Reflecting on the case years later, Guma wrote:
“What to make of the Kristina Berster case? In one sense, it was a matter of human rights. Victimized by shifting international politics, a student activist whose only crime was crossing a border to seek asylum had spent almost two years in prison, in Germany and then the US.
But there was more to it than that. Berster’s case demonstrated how a campaign against terrorism can easily go off the rails, threatening anyone who actively tries to change the way society is run – from civil libertarians and prison reformers to anti-nuclear protesters and feminists. Across the country, despite claims that the days of COINTELPRO were over, reports were surfacing – harassment, covert agents provoking violence in nonviolent groups, wiretapping, political grand juries, and intrusive surveillance. As the 1970s wound down a chill was setting in, and terrorism was becoming an excuse for virtually any tactic the government found effective…
[Berster’s] US stay had revealed a few things — for example, that officials, working in and with intelligence agents, were ready to lie in court and sanction illegal surveillance, and that some media could be used to distribute rumors and falsehoods; The evidence remained circumstantial, but it also looked like Vermont had witnessed the manufacturing of a terrorist scare, an attempt to warp public perceptions for political gain. The FBI had lied, so had the prosecutor. Anyone who supported the defendant was targeted for surveillance. Then there was the simulated terrorist ‘siege.’
In essence, it looked like a concerted effort to influence public opinion, what would soon be labeled ‘perception management’ in a Defense Department manual. Basically, this tactic involves both conveying and denying information ‘to influence emotions, motives, and objective reasoning.’ The goal is to influence both enemies and friends, ultimately to provoke the behavior you want. ‘Perception management combines truth projection, operations security, cover and deception, and psychological operations,’ according to DOD.
In the Reagan years this type of operation was euphemistically labeled ‘public diplomacy,’ which was officially expanded to include domestic disinformation during the Bush I administration. In those days it was mostly about stoking fear of communism, the Sandinistas, Qaddafi, and anyone else on Reagan’s hit list. Clinton modifications were outlined in Directive 68, which still showed no distinction between what could be done abroad and at home. When Bush II took office, the name was changed again, this time to ‘strategic influence.’
Title
A name given to the resource
Asylum for Kristina Berster
Subject
The topic of the resource
New Left
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Kristina Berster Defense Committee
Source
A related resource from which the described resource is derived
Roz Payne
Publisher
An entity responsible for making the resource available
Center for Digital Research in the Humanities, University of Nebraska-Lincoln
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1978
Format
The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource
poster
“wipe-out detention”
Andreas Baader
Auschwitz
Autobahn
Baader-Meinhof
Ban the Bomb
Battle of Algiers
Berlin Wall
Berster Defense Committee
Bill Clinton
Bill Kittel
Bonnie and Clyde
Burlington
Canada
Che Guevara
Chicago '68
Chris Davis
COINTELPRO
communism
Days of Rage
Dead Wing
Defense Department
Directive 68
FBI
George Bush
Greg Guma
Gudrun Ennslin
Heidelburg
Iran
Jean-Paul Sartre
Jerome O’Neill
Jesse Berman
Kristina Berster
Kurt Georg Kiesinger
Libya
Maoism
Marighella
Montreal
Nazism
New Left
New York Times
Nicaragua
Noyan
perception management
Petra Schelm
Qaddafi
Quebec
Red Army Faction
rike Meinhof
Ronald Reagan
Sandinistas
Socialist Patients Collective
Stefan Aust
strategic influence
terrorism
Third Reich
Thomas Szasz
U.S. Border Patrol
Vermont
Weather Underground
West Germany
William Kunstler
Yemin
-
https://rozsixties.unl.edu/files/original/afad6c0a10583ff5048a5b2baa2df56a.jpg
e97a1ce227f3149283c28c2055a2674b
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
Posters and Graphic Design
Description
An account of the resource
The movements of the Sixties produced a rich history of political posters and other graphic arts. These posters were hung in political offices, bookstores, bedrooms and in public. The posters collected here include designs related to the anti-war movement, Black Power, women’s liberation, the Yippies, counterculture, the Democratic National Convention in Chicago, anti-imperialism, the Cuban Revolution, environmentalism, Bernie Sanders’ elections for Burlington mayor, anti-communism, the labor movement, corporate inequality, the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, and other topics. Of particular note are a series of posters created by the OSPAAAL, the Organisation in Solidarity with the People of Africa, Asia and Latin America, the main publisher of international solidarity posters in Cuba.
Source
A related resource from which the described resource is derived
Roz Payne
Physical Object
An inanimate, three-dimensional object or substance. Note that digital representations of, or surrogates for, these objects should use Moving Image, Still Image, Text or one of the other types.
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
Ramparts Wall Poster
Subject
The topic of the resource
Anti-Vietnam War Movement
Description
An account of the resource
During protests at the 1968 Democratic Presidential Convention in Chicago, activists made wall posters to circulate information about what was happening. Many of these posters were made by Ramparts Magazine.
This wall poster, written by Jake McCarthy, details police repression against protesters on August 28, 1968.
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Rampart's
Source
A related resource from which the described resource is derived
Roz Payne
Publisher
An entity responsible for making the resource available
Center for Digital Research in the Humanities, University of Nebraska-Lincoln
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
August 28, 1968
Format
The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource
wall poster
1968 election
Anti-War
Chicago '68
Jake McCarthy
New Left
police repression
Rampart's
Vietnam War
-
https://rozsixties.unl.edu/files/original/f2e58c393ac1eeb600e7d617297393ca.jpg
c0a679082bcf5bd6f83c98d523574763
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
Posters and Graphic Design
Description
An account of the resource
The movements of the Sixties produced a rich history of political posters and other graphic arts. These posters were hung in political offices, bookstores, bedrooms and in public. The posters collected here include designs related to the anti-war movement, Black Power, women’s liberation, the Yippies, counterculture, the Democratic National Convention in Chicago, anti-imperialism, the Cuban Revolution, environmentalism, Bernie Sanders’ elections for Burlington mayor, anti-communism, the labor movement, corporate inequality, the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, and other topics. Of particular note are a series of posters created by the OSPAAAL, the Organisation in Solidarity with the People of Africa, Asia and Latin America, the main publisher of international solidarity posters in Cuba.
Source
A related resource from which the described resource is derived
Roz Payne
Physical Object
An inanimate, three-dimensional object or substance. Note that digital representations of, or surrogates for, these objects should use Moving Image, Still Image, Text or one of the other types.
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
Youth International Party Manifesto!
Subject
The topic of the resource
New Left
Description
An account of the resource
The Youth International Party, known as the "Yippies," was founded in 1967 by Abbie and Anita Hoffman, Jerry Rubin, Nancy Kurshan, and Paul Krassner. Other activists involved with the Yippies included, Stew Albert, Ed Rosenthal, Allen Ginsberg, Ed Sanders, Robin Morgan, Phil Ochs, Robert M. Ockene, William Kunstler, Jonah Raskin, Steve Conliff, John Sinclair, Dana Beal, Betty (Zaria) Andrew, Matthew Landy Steen, Judy Gumbo, Ben Masel, Tom Forcade, David Peel, Wavy Gravy, Aron Kay, Tuli Kupferberg, Jill Johnston, Daisy Deadhead, Leatrice Urbanowicz, Bob Fass, John Murdock, Alice Torbush, Judy Lampe, Walli Leff, Steve DeAngelo, Dennis Peron, and Brenton Lengel. According to Krasner, who coined the term, Yippies were “radicalized hippies.” In a 2007 essay in the Los Angeles Times, Krasner explained, "We needed a name to signify the radicalization of hippies, and I came up with Yippie as a label for a phenomenon that already existed, an organic coalition of psychedelic hippies and political activists. In the process of cross-fertilization at antiwar demonstrations, we had come to share an awareness that there was a linear connection between putting kids in prison for smoking pot in this country and burning them to death with napalm on the other side of the planet." Further, Anita Hoffman liked the term, but felt that "strait-laced types" needed a more formal name to take the movement seriously. She came up with "Youth International Party," because it symbolized the movement and made for a good play on words. Some referred to the group as "Yippie!," as in a shout for joy (with an exclamation mark to express exhilaration). As Abbie Hoffman wrote, "What does Yippie! mean?" Energy – fun – fierceness – exclamation point!"
The Yippies were influenced by The Diggers in San Francisco and often used guerilla theater, pranks, absurdist forms of protest, as well as political and cultural disruption in their activism. They sought to merge the personal with the political… and have fun in the process. ABC News once stated, "The group was known for street theater pranks and was once referred to as the 'Groucho Marxists'." Among their many storied antics, the Yippies suggested lacing the New York City water supply with LSD, sent joints to hundreds of random people in New York from the telephone book, threw fake money on the floor of the New York Stock Exchange and suggested a circle of hippies could “levitate” the Pentagon during an October 1967 protest. The Yippies understood the dominant role of mass media and television in contemporary society and often went on television, but refused to obey the normal rules of corporate TV production, hoping to “break the frame” and reveal to audiences the constructed nature of mass media. The Yippies were also involved in the underground press movement. Much of the writing and visual culture they produced consisted of obscenity-laced diatribes against mainstream society, but made few serious calls to militant action.
Abbie Hoffman and the Yippies first suggested a “Festival of Life” in the park outside of the 1968 Democratic National Convention in Chicago. They also planned to nominate a pig, nicknamed “Pigasus,” for President. Other New Left organizations joined the effort, which ultimately descended into chaos when Chicago police, at the order of authoritarian Democratic Mayor Richard Daley, attacked and brutally beat demonstrators in front of reporters and television cameras, causing an international controversy. In the melee, many Yippies were injured and arrested, including Abbie Hoffman and Jerry Rubin, who were put on trial as a part of what become known as the Chicago 7.
In 1970, an estimated 200-300 members of the Yippies descended on the Disneyland amusement park in Anaheim, California, to hold what was billed as their “First International Pow-Wow” to protest the U.S.’s continuing involvement in the Vietnam War and to liberate Disneyland as a symbol of the establishment. Hoffman authored a pamphlet in 1967, titled, “Fuck the System”; two books, “Revolution for the Hell of It” (1968) and “Steal This Book” (1971); and an LP record, “Woodstock Nation: A Talk-Rock Album” (1969).
The Yippies began to fragment and disintegrate during the 1970s. A disillusioned Hoffman committed suicide in 1989. Jerry Rubin became a “Yuppie” during the 1980s, embracing capitalism and starting a number of businesses. He was killed in 1994 when he was struck by a car. Even so, a number of Yippie followers have carried on in the same spirit.
Along the bottom right of this poster, it reads: “more copies: YIP 333 East 5th Street, NYC."
The main text on the poster is the Youth International Party Manifesto and it reads:
YOUTH INTERNATIONAL PARTY
MANIFESTO!
WE ARE A PEOPLE
We are a new nation.
We believe in life.
And we want to live now.
We want to be alive 24 hours a day.
Nine-to-five Amerika doesn't even live on weekends.
Amerika is a death machine. It is run
on and for money whose power
determines a society based on war,
racism, sexism, and the destruction
of the planet. Our life-energy is the
greatest threat to the machine.
So they're out to stop us.
They have to make us like them.
They cut our hair, ban our music
festivals, put cops and narcs in the
schools, put 200,000 of us in jail
for smoking flowers, induct us,
housewive us, Easy-Rider murder us.
Amerika has declared war on our New Nation!
WE WILL BUILD AND DEFEND OUR NEW NATION
But we will continue to live and grow. We are young, we have beautiful
ideas about the way we should live. We want everyone to control their
own life and to care for one another. And we will defend our freedom
because we can’t live any other way.
We will continue to seize control of our minds and our bodies. We can't
do it in their schools, so we'll take them over or create our own. We
can't do it in their Army, so we'll keep them from taking our brothers.
We can't make it in their jobs, so we'll work only to survive. We can't
relate to each other like they do - our nation is based on cooperation
not competition.
We will provide for all that we need to build and defend our nation. We
will teach each other the true history of Amerika so that we may learn
from the past to survive in the present. We will teach each other the
tactics of self-defense. We will provide free health services: birth
control and abortions, drug information, medical care, that this society
is not providing us with.
We will begin to take control of drug manufacture and distribution, and
stop the flow of bad shit. We will make sure that everyone has a decent
place to live: we will fight landlords, renovate buildings, live
communally, have places for sisters and brothers from out-of-town, and
for runaways and freed prisoners. We will set up national and
international transport and communication so we can be together with our
sisters and brothers from different parts of the country and the world.
We will fight the unnatural division between cities and country by
facilitating travel and communication
. We will end the domination of women by men, and children by adults.
The well-being of our nation is the well-being of all peace-loving
people.
WE WILL HAVE PEACE
We cannot tolerate attitudes, institutions, and machines whose purpose
is the destruction of life and the accumulation of "profit.”
Schools and universities are training us for roles in Amerika's empire
of endless war. We cannot allow them to use us for the
military-industrial profiteers.
Companies that produce waste, poisons, germs, and bombs have no place in
this world.
We are living in the capital of the world war being waged against life.
We are not good Germans. We who are living in this strategic center of
Babylon must make it our strategic center. We can and must stop the
death machine from butchering the planet.
We will shut the motherfucker down!
WE WILL MAKE OUR NEW NATION FIT FOR LIVING THINGS
We will seize Amerika’s technology and use it to build a nation based on
love and respect for all life.
Our new society is not about the power of a few men but the right of all
humans, animals and plants to play out their natural roles in harmony.
We will build our communities to reflect the beauty inside us.
People all over the world are fighting to keep Amerika from turning
their countries into parking lots!
WE WILL BE TOGETHER WITH ALL THE TOGETHER PEOPLES OF THE EARTH
Pig Empire is ravaging the globe, but the beautiful people everywhere
are fighting back. New Nation is one with the black, brown, red & yellow
nations.
Che said:
'You North Americans are very lucky. You live in the middle of the
beast. You are fighting the most important fight of all, If I had my
wish, I would go back with you to North Amerika to fight there. I envy
you.' "
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Yippies
Source
A related resource from which the described resource is derived
Roz Payne
Publisher
An entity responsible for making the resource available
Center for Digital Research in the Humanities, University of Nebraska-Lincoln
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
ca. 1968
Format
The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource
poster
“Festival of Life”
Abbie Hoffman
Alice Torbush
Allen Ginsberg
Anaheim
Anita Hoffman
Anti-War
Aron Kay
Ben Masel
Betty (Zaria) Andrew
Bob Fass
Brenton Lengel
California
Chicago '68
Chicago 7
counterculture
Daisy Deadhead
Dana Beal
David Peel
Democratic Party
Dennis Peron
Disneyland
Ed Rosenthal
Ed Sanders
Fuck the System
Jerry Rubin
Jill Johnston
John Murdock
John Sinclair
Jonah Raskin
Judy Gumbo
Judy Lampe
Leatrice Urbanowicz
Los Angeles Times
LSD
manifesto
marijuana
Matthew Landy Steen
Nancy Kurshan
New Left
New York
New York Stock Exchange
Paul Krassner
Pentagon
Phil Ochs
Pigasus
Revolution for the Hell of It
Richard Daley
Robert M. Ockene
Robin Morgan
Situationist International
Steal This Book
Steve Conliff
Steve DeAngelo
Stew Albert
The Diggers
Tom Forcade
Tuli Kupferberg
Vietnam War
Walli Leff
Wavy Gravy
William Kunstler
Woodstock Nation
Yippies
Youth International Party
Yuppie